Abstract
Family processes such as maternal parenting and family screen exposure are significantly related to children’s gains in behavioral self-regulation, but the potential mechanism of these relations remains unknown. In this study, we investigated how maternal depression is associated with children’s behavioral self-regulation through the mediating role of maternal supportive parenting and children’s family screen time. A total sample of 657 Chinese children and their mothers was recruited. Results from structural equation models indicated that supportive parenting and screen time partially mediated the effect of maternal depression on children’s behavioral self-regulation by the sequential, after controlling for child demographic variables. Furthermore, supportive parenting played a partially mediating role in associations between maternal depression and children’s self-regulation. The findings provide insights into parenting practices for early childhood development in the Chinese family environment.
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Introduction
Behavioral self-regulation refers to the ability of individuals to plan, control or change behaviors and thoughts to achieve goals (Grabell et al., 2017; Cameron Ponitz et al., 2008). As a foundational domain-general skill, children’s behavioral self-regulation provides a proximal basis for their informal and formal learning and promotes later school success (Bascandziev et al., 2016; McClelland et al., 2014; Nayfeld et al., 2013). Conversely, impairments in self-regulation may increase children’s risks for behavior problems (Finn and Hall, 2004). Environmental influences in early childhood play a significant role in children’s development of self-regulation skills (Noble et al., 2007), particularly the influence of adult-child interactions (Mashburn et al., 2008; Rimm-Kaufman et al., 2009).
Ecological theory indicates the importance of family processes in child development (Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 2006). In the family environment, maternal mental health and parenting behaviors are both associated with children’s self-regulation concurrently and longitudinally (Bates et al., 2020; Choe et al., 2013). Research has shown that mothers with depressive symptoms are more likely to provide lower-quality caregiving and interactions in the home settings (Caughy et al., 2008; Korja and McMahon, 2021; Stein et al., 2008), and such interactions are found to be related to children’s lower levels of self-regulation (e.g., Bridgett et al., 2018; Hur et al., 2015). Conversely, children may develop their self-regulatory skills when they interact with a sensitive, responsive, and autonomy-supportive mother (Bernier et al., 2010; Bibok et al., 2009) who gives children more opportunities to initiate and practice self-regulatory skills. Nevertheless, little is known about the direct and mediating pathways between maternal depression and parenting behaviors and children’s behavioral self-regulation. This gap is of concern given that maternal depressive symptoms are a major parenting concern and risk factor in the family environment (Baker and Iruka, 2013), this gap in prior literature is concerning.
Children’s family screen time is also a predictor of their self-regulation development. Currently, children’s exposure to screen media is increasing globally. A growing number of empirical evidence has identified a negative role of children’s family screen time in various developmental outcomes in early childhood, including behavioral self-regulation (Lawrence et al., 2020; Levine et al., 2019). Also, excessive screen exposure might be a mediated mechanism through which maternal depression predicts children’s self-regulation (Radesky, Silverstein, et al., 2014) as it may reduce the amount and quality of parent-child interactions in the family (Kirkorian et al., 2009; Tanimura et al., 2007), however, the relevant empirical literature is very limited. A better understanding of family screen exposures of young children is warranted because they are a population at risk for adverse development (Hyde et al., 2012). The purpose of this study is to investigate how maternal depression is associated with children’s behavioral self-regulation in Chinese family environments. Specifically, we sought to examine whether maternal supportive parenting and children’s screen time serve as a mechanism through which maternal depression is related to children’s behavioral self-regulation. Answers to these questions may provide insights into the potential mediating mechanisms of family processes on children’s healthy development, potentially providing directions for future intervention.
Maternal depression, parenting, and children’s behavioral self-regulation
Behavioral self-regulation provides a building block for young children to develop positive learning-related behaviors (Marulis, 2023; McClelland et al., 2007; Zhang et al., 2017). Children’s behavioral self-regulation can be observed when they pay attention to adults, follow instructions, solve problems, and persist in tasks (Blair and Diamond, 2008; Marulis, 2023; Morrison et al., 2010). Self-regulatory skills develop most rapidly during early childhood (Welsh et al., 2010; Zelazo and Carlson, 2012) and coincide with the maturation of the prefrontal cortex (Garon et al., 2008). Both transactional processes of biological maturation and environmental contexts affect children’s development of self-regulation. In other words, self-regulation develops as children age (Best and Miller, 2010; Lee et al., 2013; Wiebe et al., 2008), but the rate of growth depends on children’s characteristics and environmental contexts (Blair and Diamond, 2008; Blair and Raver, 2012). Compared with other earlier developing skills, the development of self-regulation is more susceptible to environmental influences as the prefrontal cortex has an extended course of development (Johnson and Munakata, 2005). Therefore, children’s self-regulation likely develops at different rates, and possibly in different ways, depending on their early environment (Duncan et al., 2017).
According to ecological theory, family processes are critical for children’s gains in self-regulation throughout childhood (Blair, 2002; Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 2006; Shonkoff and Levitt, 2010; Sulik et al., 2015; Towe-Goodman et al., 2014). Scholars posit that the positive role of parent-child interactions in children’s self-regulation development stems from the proximal processes in which parents (typically mothers) provide emotional support and use scaffolding to practice children’s self-regulatory skills in home settings (Fay-Stammbach et al., 2014). Maternal parenting practices shape how they interact with their children and contribute significantly to child outcomes in early childhood, including self-regulation (e.g., von Suchodoletz et al., 2011). Maternal supportive parenting, characterized by warmth, sensitivity, and appropriate scaffolding is significantly associated with children’s self-regulation (e.g., Kok et al., 2022; Wang et al., 2021). A growing number of empirical studies indicated that mothers can support children’s gains in self-regulation by engaging in high-quality emotional and cognitive interactions (Bernier et al., 2010; Razza et al., 2010; Towe-Goodman et al., 2014). For example, Towe-Goodman et al. (2014) reported that maternal warmth and responsiveness in the free-play positively predicted children’s development of self-reuglatory skills. Bernier et al. (2010) also indicated that children who have warmth and sensitive mothers are more likely to show stronger self-regulation and better working memory. Nevertheless, the associations between parenting behaviors and children’s behavioral self-regulation have been typically established in Western literature (Ren et al., 2017), but are rarely examined in the Chinese context (Wang et al., 2021). Additionally, certain family processes, such as parental engagement and children’s family screen exposure, may serve as mediators in these associations. More research is needed to investigate the role of maternal parenting and children’s self-regulation, as well as their underlying mechanisms, in the Chinese context.
Maternal depression can be reflected in their higher levels of sadness and irritability, as well as low moods (Baker and Kuhn, 2018). Researchers have suggested that mothers with depressive symptoms usually exhibit negative parenting behaviors, which in turn lead to less optimal child outcomes (Cummings et al., 1994; Lovejoy et al., 2000; Psychogiou et al., 2020). For example, Paulson et al. (2009) found that higher levels of mother-reported depressive symptoms are positively related to the increase in children’s expressive vocabulary and reading skills. Also, Baker and Iruka (2013) revealed that mothers who experienced more depression are negatively associated with academic achievement in kindergarten, and maternal supportive behaviors are mediators of these associations. There is also clear evidence that supports the associations between maternal depression and children’s behavior problems (Baker, 2019; Elgar et al., 2007; Ewell Foster et al., 2008; Goodman et al., 2011; Lovejoy et al., 2000). A meta-analysis reported that maternal depression is associated with higher levels of children’s problem behaviors and maternal supportive parenting plays a mediating role in these associations (Goodman et al., 2011). Moreover, research that examined other maternal emotional symptoms such as stress or anxiety indicated that relations between emotional symptoms and child outcomes are mediated by maternal parenting (e.g., Harmeyer et al., 2016). Overall, maternal depression matters for the development of academic and behavioral skills in children, and maternal parenting constitutes an underlying mechanism for the links between depression and child outcomes.
Maternal depression, parenting, and children’s screen time and behavioral self-regulation
With increasing exposure to digital media in family life, there is growing concern about the impact of screen time on children and their families. Screen time refers to time spent on any screen media, such as televisions, smartphones, computers, tablets, or video games. A growing number of empirical evidence supports the links between screen exposure and children’s developmental outcomes. Excessive TV viewing in infants and toddlers is a predictor of their later deficits in attention (Christakis et al., 2004; Landhuis et al., 2007; Jourdren et al., 2023), language (Alroqi et al., 2022; Tomopoulos et al., 2010; Zimmerman et al., 2007), and school adjustment (Pagani et al., 2010; Tekin and Alpgan, 2023). These associations are likely to be stronger in low-income families in which higher screen exposure is prevalent (Tomopoulos et al., 2010). There is also evidence that links TV exposure to lower levels of cognitive performance including short-term memory, math, and literacy skills (Chonchaiya and Pruksananonda, 2008; Hyde et al., 2012; Kirkorian et al., 2009; Stockdale et al., 2022; Tomopoulos et al., 2010; Zimmerman et al., 2007; Zimmerman and Christakis, 2005). A study may explain these findings. Roseberry et al. (2014) exposed children to novel words in one of three conditions: face-to-face interaction, socially contingent video chat, or a yoked video showing the experimenter chatting with another child. The results indicated that children learned novel words from the face-to-face interaction better than the video condition, demonstrating that compared to face-to-face interactions, children may learn less when information is presented through screen media.
Heavy screen time has also been consistently related to self-regulation deficits, especially in children with special needs (Radesky et al., 2014), as parents tend to use screen media in response to their children’s negative emotions or challenging behaviors (Courage and Howe, 2010; Radesky et al., 2014; Stockdale et al., 2022). The amount of time children spend watching TV at age 2 has been found to predict their aggressive and antisocial behaviors in primary school (Pagani et al., 2016; Livingstone and Smith, 2014; Tekin and Alpgan, 2023). Moreover, fast-paced screens combined with children’s inability to distinguish reality from screen content may negatively and cumulatively affect children’s executive function development (Li et al., 2015; Lillard and Peterson, 2011; Stockdale et al., 2022). Some potential explanations for these detrimental effects include reduced language-based interactions between parents and children and less creative play activities at home (Mendelsohn et al., 2008; Kirkorian et al., 2009; Swider-Cios et al., 2023; Tanimura et al., 2007; Tomopoulos et al., 2007). For example, a study found that the more time parents spend on their smartphones, the more likely children are to take action to gain attention, leading to negative interactions (Radesky et al., 2016). Another study has shown that children who are allowed to use smartphones frequently as a distraction or reward at home are more likely to ask for the smartphones and get annoyed when refused (Roy and Paradis, 2015).
Children’s family screen time is associated with parental characteristics such as maternal depression (Hoyos Cillero and Jago, 2010) and family involvement. Radesky et al. (2016) reported that parents are stressed when they switch attention between screens and home life, thus decreasing their quality of interactions with children. Other studies have shown that excessive screen exposure is associated more strongly with low parental involvement than with disadvantaged socioeconomic status (Common Sense Media, 2013; Mistry et al., 2007). In fact, children’s learning and development are likely to be easier and more effective when children interact face-to-face with caregivers or peers in their daily lives, while screen time may reduce the quality and amount of their interactions with parents and play activities in the family (Courage and Howe, 2010; Courage and Setliff, 2010; Lapierre et al., 2012; Scarf and Hinten, 2018). Nonetheless, the existing literature on the mechanisms between maternal parenting, children’s screen time, and children’s behavioral self-regulation remains limited (Lin et al., 2015; Swider-Cios et al., 2023; Wartella et al., 2010), especially in the Chinese context.
The theoretical framework
According to Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory, social interaction plays a vital role in the early development of children. It emphasizes that children learn and develop through their interactions with others in their social environment (Vygotsky, 1978). These social interactions provide children with opportunities to acquire new knowledge, skills, and cultural norms. In early childhood, social interactions with parents contribute significantly to children’s behavioral self-regulation(Lobo and Lunkenheimer, 2020). Through social engagement, When children engage in conversations, receive feedback, and observe and imitate their parents, they may acquire appropriate goal-directed behaviors effectively in social contexts. However, excessive screen time poses potential risks to children’s development (Neophytou et al., 2021). Researchers indicated that children may learn less when information is presented through television compared to face-to-face interaction, which is commonly referred to as the video deficit effect (Anderson and Hanson, 2010). Excessive use of screen devices, such as smartphones, tablets, and televisions, may limit opportunities for face-to-face interaction, reduced meaningful real-life experiences, and result in impaired behavioral and cognitive development (Swider-Cios et al., 2023). Parental abuse and neglect may also lead to children’s increased family screen exposure (Sun et al., 2019). Overall, the development of children’s self-regulation lies not only in the presence of parents but also in engaging in high-quality interactions that are adaptable and contingent (Baker and Perry, 2022). Promoting high-quality social interactions and minimizing excessive screen time may support optimal behavioral development. Based on such a theoretical perspective, we proposed a hypothesized model in which mothers’ depression and their parenting are related to children’s behavioral self-regulation through the children’s family screen exposure.
The current study
Although previous research has consistently supported the relationship between maternal mental health and children’s academic skills and behavior problems and the mediating role of maternal parenting in these relations, the evidence for the relationship between maternal depression and children’s behavioral self-regulation is still less clear. Moreover. maternal depressive symptom affects children’s daily screen time at home, but little is known about these associations. Whether mothers’ depression and their parenting are associated with children’s behavioral self-regulation via the mediating role of children’s family screen time remains under investigation.
The purpose of the current study is to investigate the associations between maternal depression and parenting and children’s family screen exposure and their behavioral self-regulation in Chinese family environments. Specifically, we aim to answer the following two questions:
(1) Does maternal depression relate to children’s behavioral self-regulation in early childhood?
(2) To what extent does maternal supportive parenting mediate the associations between maternal depression and children’s behavioral self-regulation?
(3) To what extent does children’s screen time mediate the associations between maternal depression and children’s behavioral self-regulation?
(4) Whether maternal supportive parenting and children’s screen time exert a chain mediation role on the association between depression and self-regulation?
We hypothesize that maternal depression negatively predicts behavioral self-regulation among Chinese children. Further, we hypothesize that mothers’ depressive symptoms are negatively associated with their supportive parenting, which in turn positively predicts children’s behavioral self-regulation. We also anticipate children’s family screen time plays a mediating role in the associations between maternal depression and children’s behavioral self-regulation. Finally, we hypothesize that the effect of maternal depression on self-regulation was mediated by the sequential, indirect effects of maternal parenting first, followed by children’s screen time (i.e., the chain mediation theoretical hypothesis). The hypothesized model is shown in Fig. 1.
The conceptual model of associations among maternal depression, maternal parenting, children’s screen time, and children’s behavioral self-regulation.
Method
Participants and procedures
Participants were recruited from multiple regions across southwest, northwest, and southeast China. Using a stratified random sampling procedure, three provinces were first identified to represent diverse socioeconomic development levels of regions: Fujian, Sichuan, and Xinjiang. Then, we randomly selected 5 preschools from each province. Next, about 50 children were randomly identified from each preschool, leading to a total sample of 750 children and their mothers for inclusion in this study. With the help of the preschool directors, the sampled mothers completed and returned a questionnaire online. All the sampled mothers signed the consent form. We then excluded the questionnaires that were partially completed or performed in less than 780 s, leading to a total of 653 valid questionnaires. There were 338 boys (51.76%) and 315 girls (48.24%) among the sampled children, with an average age of 5.94 (SD = 1.43). A total of 409 children (62.63%) were from urban areas. The average age of participating mothers was 31.56 years (SD = 4.81). About 78% of the mother had an associate degree or equivalent or above; the rest had a high-school diploma or below. Only 7% of mothers were full-time stay-at-home moms.
Measures
Maternal depression
Maternal depression was assessed by the Depression, Anxiety, and Stress Scale, DASS-21; Lovibond and Lovibond, 1995. This questionnaire is a self-report scale designed to assess three related negative emotional states: depression, anxiety, and stress. The depression subscale includes 6 items (e.g., “unable to experience enjoyment or satisfaction”) rated on a 4-point scale. This measure has been successfully used in Chinese contexts (e.g., Wang et al., 2016) and showed good psychometric properties (e.g., Chan et al., 2012). The Cronbach’s α for the depression subscale was 0.84 in this study.
Maternal supportive parenting
We used the Chinese version of the Child Rearing Practices of Report (CRPR) to assess maternal supportive parenting (Block, 1980). The original version of the CRPR is a Q-Sort rating system that requires parents to rank 91 statements of parenting behaviors (Ribeiro et al., 2021). The Chinese version of the CRPR has good internal consistency reliability and validity in Chinese parents (Chen et al., 1997; Xu et al., 2005). In this study, the participating mothers were required to rate the extent of agreement with statements regarding their supportive parenting behaviors (e.g., warmth and encouragement) on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). In this study, confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) suggested that the 1-factor model fit the data well (χ2 /df = 2.95, CFI = 0.92, RMSEA = 0.05). The Cronbach’s α for the scale was 0.88 in this study.
Children’s family screen time
Children’s screen time was assessed by examining global estimates of media screen exposure, i.e., the average amount of time spent using various media per day (Vandewater and Lee, 2009). The parent is asked to respond to a survey questionnaire on a 7-point scale from 1 (0 h) to 7 (more than 6 h). The questionnaire contains 6 questions organized into 2 sections. The first section (4 items) investigates how much time children use screens (e.g., television, tablets, smartphones, and computers) at home such as watching cartoons. The second section (2 items) identifies the amount of time children spend on screen-based activities such as playing video games using interactive screens (e.g., tablets and smartphones). The global estimates of screen time was obtained by averaging the standardized scores (z-score) of 6 items.
Children’s behavioral self-regulation
The Child Self-Regulation in Interaction Scale was used to assess children’s behavioral self-regulation (Wang et al., 2023). This scale asked a parent to report the extent to which his/her child exhibited low levels of behavioral self-regulation over the past 3 months. The CSIS contains 18 items rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (always). It theoretically consisted of 3 dimensions (i.e., inhibitory control, working memory, and cognitive flexibility) with each including 6 items. Inhibitory control focuses on observable actions associated with inhibiting dominant responses to adopt more adaptive behaviors (e.g., “Do things her/his way, not as required”). Working memory focuses on observable behaviors related to remembering and following instructions or directions (e.g., “Has trouble repeating what you said to him/her”). Cognitive flexibility focus on observable actions related to shifting attention in different situations while ignoring distractions to reach goals (e.g., “Give irrelevant answers due to being attracted by irrelevant details”). A higher score indicates lower levels of behavioral self-regulation in children. The psychometric properties of CSIS have been examined in the Chinese context (Wang et al. 2023). The findings indicated that the CSIS had good internal consistency reliabilities, test-retest reliability, and convergent and predictive validity, as well as satisfactory measurement invariance. In this study, Cronbach’s α of the total scale was 0.89.
Demographic information
The participating parents completed a questionnaire with their demographic information. The participating children’s parents completed a survey questionnaire about children’s personal attributes such as age, gender, urban/rural, and parental occupations.
Analysis plan
Analyses took place in three stages. First, descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations of the study variables were obtained. Second, structural equation modeling (SEM) was conducted to evaluate a series of hypothetical models (see Fig. 1). The best-fitting model was finally determined. Here we took maternal depression as the independent variable, children’s behavioral self-regulation as the dependent variable, and maternal supportive parenting and children’s screen time as the mediators (Model 1). Using SEM, we treated behavioral self-regulation as a latent construct. According to Baron and Kenny (1986), the mediator must be associated with both independent and dependent variables. The indirect effects were estimated by the bootstrapping approach, which provides a straightforward way to determine the power of the test of indirect effect (Preacher and Hayes, 2008). When 0 is not in the 95% bootstrap confidence intervals, the indirect effect is significantly different from 0, and the presumed meditating effect can be supported.
Given that children’s demographic variables (i.e., age, gender, urban/rural) may potentially be related to their behavioral self-regulation, these variables were included as control variables in all models. The models’ goodness of model fit was assessed by 5 statistical indicators (Hu and Bentler, 1999): the ratio of Chi-square to degrees of freedom (χ2 /df), the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), the comparative fit index (CFI), the Tucker-Lewis index (TLI), and the standardized root mean square residual (SRMR). The descriptive statistics and correlations of variables were performed in SPSS23. The SEM analysis was conducted in Mplus 8.1 with the full-information maximum likelihood (FIML) to handle the missing data (Muthén and Muthén, 2019).
Results
Table 1 illustrates the descriptive statistics and correlations among the study variables. The predictor (maternal depression) and the mediators (maternal supportive parenting and children’s family screen time) were all significantly correlated with outcomes (children’s self-regulation). We conducted CFA to evaluate the measurement models for the latent constructs of behavioral self-regulation. The models’ fit was acceptable for the three-factor structure of self-regulation (χ2 /df = 4.15, CFI = 0.92, TLI = 0.90, RMSEA = 0.07).
SEM was then conducted. We first examined the relationship between maternal depression and children’s behavioral self-regulation (direct-effect model). As summarized in Table 2, after controlling for covariates, maternal depression was directly related to children’s self-regulation (b = 0.40, p < 0.001), supporting our hypothesis. In addition to testing the direct effects of maternal depression, we sought to investigate the mediational pathways by which depression is related to self-regulation. We added maternal supportive parenting and children’s screen time to the model (indirect-effect model) to test the mediation effect. We examined a total of 4 models with (1) maternal supportive parenting as a single mediator (Model 1); (2) screen time as a single mediator (Model 2); (3) maternal supportive parenting and screen time as independent mediators (Model 3); and (4) maternal supportive parenting and screen time as sequential mediators (Model 4). Table 2 summarized the model fit for all 4 hypothetical models. As presented in Table 2, Model 4 (the sequential mediation model) had the best model fit (χ2 /df = 2.83, CFI = 0.98, TLI = 0.94, RMSEA = 0.05, and SRMR = 0.02), which provides support for our hypothesis.
The statistical model (Model 4) is illustrated in Fig. 2. After controlling for the child demographic variables, maternal depression was significantly and positively associated with children’s behavioral self-regulation (b = 0.32, p < 0.001). suggesting that children with a depressed mother may have more screen time in the home and lower levels of self-regulation. Maternal depression also significantly and negatively predicted their supportive parenting (b = −0.21, p < 0.001). Moreover, supportive parenting was significantly and negatively associated with children’s screen time (b = −0.16, p < 0.001) and self-regulation (b = −0.36, p < 0.001). Additionally, children’s screen time was significantly and positively related to their self-regulation (b = 0.15, p < 0.001), indicating that children who have more screen time were more likely to exhibit poor behavioral self-regulation.
Note. The child demographic variables (age, gender, and urban/rural) were included as control variables. A higher score on the self-regulation scale indicates a lower level of children’s behavioral self-regulation; ***p < 0.001.
As presented in Table 3, in line with our hypothesis, maternal depression showed significant indirect effects on children’s self-regulation via supportive parenting (b = 0.01; bootstrap 95% CI = [0.00, 0.02]). However, inconsistent with expectations, children’s screen time was not a mediator in associations between maternal depression and self-regulation (b = 0.01; bootstrap 95% CI = [-0.01, 0.02]). Furthermore, the effect of maternal depression on children’s self-regulation was partially mediated by the sequential, indirect effects of supportive parenting first, followed by screen time (b = 0.07; bootstrap 95% CI = [0.04, 0.10]), indicating that the parenting and screen time exert a partial chain mediation role on the association between maternal depression and children’s self-regulation.
Discussion
Behavioral self-regulation enables children to monitor their progress, inhibit automatic impulses, shift to an appropriate learning strategy, and, thus, lays the foundation for children’s learning and academic achievement. It is especially important to gain insight into the contribution of mothers to children’s self-regulation in early childhood, as this contribution seems to be stronger during this period than later in development (Goodman et al., 2011; Lovejoy et al., 2000). This study investigated the association between maternal depression and children’s behavioral self-regulation in Chinese families, and the chain-mediating effects of maternal supportive parenting and children’s family screen time on this association. The results supported our hypothesis that maternal supportive parenting and children’s screen time mediated the effect of maternal depression on self-regulation. Specifically, maternal depression showed significant indirect effects on children’s self-regulation via supportive parenting, and the effect of maternal depression on children’s self-regulation was partially mediated by the sequential, indirect effects of supportive parenting first, followed by screen time. These findings provided insights into evidence-based practices for health professionals to support Chinese families.
Maternal depression, parenting, children’s screen time and self-regulation
Our findings first identified the significant role of maternal depression in behavioral self-regulation in children. In contemporary China, depression has become a very prevalent mental health issue (Que et al., 2019). Maternal depression also constitutes an important factor affecting family well-being and child development (Daundasekara et al., 2021; Wall-Wieler et al., 2020). Theorists have emphasized the role of the mother in children’s development of self-regulation (Grolnick and Ryan, 1989). Children’s self-regulation can be nurtured through mothers’ positive interactions with children and their supportive instructional behaviors (Burchinal and Cryer, 2003; Diamond, 2013; Yu and Smith, 2016), while mothers’ emotional states, especially maternal depressive symptoms, may shape how they interact with children in family contexts (Caughy et al., 2008; Korja and McMahon, 2021; Stein et al., 2008). According to family stress theory, negative parenting resulting from maternal depressive symptoms may expose children to toxic stress which in turn, disrupts their development of self-regulation (McCubbin et al., 2014; Repetti et al., 2002), especially in families with socioeconomic risk (e.g., low-income families), where maternal depression may be more severe (McDaniel and Lowenstein, 2013; Sáez-Santiago et al., 2012).
Our findings also suggested that children’s high exposure to screens negatively influences their developing self-regulation, but did not mediate the association between maternal depression and children’s self-regulation. Moreover, maternal depression may not directly affect children’s family screen time but may have an indirect effect on screen time through their parenting behaviors. These findings identified the importance of mothers’ parenting practices (as reflected in their interactions with their children) in a family system and child outcomes. Mothers can contribute to appropriate self-regulatory behaviors in children through positive involvement and setting limits on screen time (Courage and Howe, 2010; Gentile et al., 2014). Conversely, low-quality interactions between mothers and children at home may lead to deficits in self-regulation in children (Fay-Stammbach et al., 2014; Sulik et al., 2015). Children may have less screen exposure and make more gains in self-regulation when their mothers provide higher emotional and instructional support at home. Unfortunately, the excessive use of screen media bleared the line between work and family life in the current society. Adults with depressive symptoms were more dependent on screen media in their family life (Li et al. 2019), leading to reduced family interaction, heavy screen exposure, and adverse developmental outcomes in children. In fact, children’s learning and development were primarily driven by their face-to-face interaction with caregivers or peers in their daily lives. Linebarger and Walker (2005) noted that while screens with high-quality content contribute to children’s developmental outcomes, children learn better from direct caregivers’ scaffolded interactions. Improving mothers’ mental health and the quality of their interactions with children is critical to a high-quality family environment that supports children’s behavioral development.
Limitations and implications
This study has several limitations. First, the lack of the pretest score of children’s self-regulation in this study may bias the contribution of marital depression and parenting to self-regulation. Also, due to the cross-sectional design, this study has certain limitations in establishing the causal relationships of the variables. Future studies could incorporate the pretest score of children’s self-regulation as a control variable into the model. Moreover, behavioral self-regulation was assessed by the parent-reported survey. Future studies could more objectively assess this skill through one-on-one behavioral tasks such as the Head-Toes-Knees-Shoulders task (HTKS; McClelland et al., 2014).
Despite these limitations, this study investigated the role of mothers in children’s behavioral outcomes, which are implications for the practices of family support for children. First, given the significant role of maternal depression in the family system, more public health service resources are needed to be devoted to improving this important mental health issue in the Chinese context. The community-based mental health service support system needs to be further improved, especially in rural areas. Identifying maternal depression early is crucial for initiating appropriate intervention strategies. Healthcare providers and other professionals working with families should incorporate routine screenings for maternal depression. Early identification allows for timely referrals to mental health services, facilitating early intervention and support for both mothers and children. Moreover, mothers with depression may face unique challenges in their parenting journey. Providing tailored support and interventions can help address these challenges and enhance parenting efficacy. Individualized parenting programs, such as cognitive-behavioral therapy, can be effective in improving maternal well-being, promoting positive parenting behaviors, and reducing the negative impact of depression on maternal parenting. Second, these findings revealed that children’s screen time mediated the relationship between maternal depression and parenting and children’s self-regulation. Mothers should be aware of the dangers of excessive family screen time to children’s healthy development. Practicing positive parenting involves setting reasonable limits on screen time, fostering open communication, and engaging in joint media engagement with children. Increasing off-screen time through quality parent-child interactions are critical to developing children’s behavioral self-regulation (Radesky et al., 2014). Also, limiting screen time and engaging in alternative activities such as outdoor play and imaginative play can show children the value of a balanced lifestyle. By maintaining a balance between monitoring and granting autonomy, parents can effectively guide their children’s media consumption while promoting healthy behavior. Finally, family screen exposure may benefit children’s learning and development, depending on the motivation of parents to engage in screen activities and their instructional and emotional support during these activities (Hu et al. 2018). High-quality screen content with parents’ scaffolding interactions may enhance children’s behavioral skills, especially for children in disadvantaged families (e.g., poverty) (Linebarger and Vaala, 2010). However, researchers indicated that parents were less likely to use appropriate strategies to support children’s learning in screen-based activities. Developing a family media action plan and setting clear and consistent guidelines regarding screen time may help improve quality interaction time at home and promoting children’s healthy behavior. Parents can work together with their children to establish family rules, taking into account the child’s age, developmental stage, and individual needs. Collaboratively determining screen-free zones and designated screen time can help children understand boundaries and develop self-regulation skills.
Taken together, the current study confirmed the significance of maternal mental health in early childhood education and care, and recognize how maternal depression affects children through their parenting practices and family screen time. Improving maternal mental health to improve the quality of face-to-face interactions between mothers and children and create a harmonious family environment is critical for developing children’s behavioral self-regulation.
Data availability
The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, Shuang Wang, upon reasonable request.
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Acknowledgements
The study and the preparation of the manuscript were supported by the following grant: A Preschool Classroom Process Quality Rating System: Focusing on the Setting of Play (funded by the Collaborative Innovation Center of Assessment towards Basic Education Quality, East China Normal University).
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S., Wang: Conception and design, data collection, data analysis and interpretation, manuscript drafting and revising; J., Huang (corresponding author): manuscript drafting and revising, validation; H. B., Xie: Conception and design, data collection; C., Liu: Conception and design, data collection; X. L., Wang: Conception and design.
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Wang, S., Huang, J., Xie, H. et al. Maternal depression and children’s behavioral self-regulation: the role of parenting and children’s screen time. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 11, 241 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-02705-2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-02705-2
