Abstract
In Southeast Asia there is rising expression of the right to be heard to address grievance or to change policy of government in a desired direction. Although this might have been ignored in the past, by repressive means if deemed necessary, it has become increasingly difficult to push back or aside the wave of such views that today find convergence in a marketplace that engages a global constituency of shared ideas facilitated by civil society organizations and, most importantly, by information and communication technology (ICT). There is a distinction that needs to be made between fulfilment of the principles and practices of liberal democracy on the one hand, and activism in the ‘democratic process’ on the other, the latter comprising at the one end participation in a large marketplace of expression of views and at the other an experience of concentrated new forms of securing support in electoral contest. It must be borne in mind the principles and institutions of liberal democracy could be absent or limited in the political system, and yet there may be animated activity in the digital sphere of a truncated democracy. Such intense activity in the new media could still come to be dominated by the ruling rich and powerful who already control the conventional media.
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Notes
A ground-breaking workshop on democratization was organized in London on 12 February 2010 by LSE IDEAS Southeast Asia International Affairs Programme at which academic and non-academic experts from Europe and Southeast Asia put forward the new methods employed to secure support in Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines. The workshop discussion is published as an LSE IDEAS Special Report, ‘Democratisation and new voter mobilization in Southeast Asia’, May 2010.
Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew would never have dreamed, when he was Prime Minister or even Senior Minister, that remarks made by him about Singaporeans becoming less ‘hard-driving’ would have drawn such vitriolic comments expressed in The Temasek Review, Monday, 8 February 2010, www.temasekreview.com/2009/12/24/mm-lee-good-thing-to-welcome-so-many-chinese-immigrants-as-singaporeans-have-become-less-hard-driving/.
For a useful narrative covering events during this period see Legge (1972).
A readable book on Suharto's New Order is by Vatikiotis (1993).
See Majid (2010a) for a flavour of the issues and emotions involved.
For the most recent rendition of that dark episode see Wain (2009).
Mahathir expressed privately to the writer his anger and frustration with Abdullah during a meeting on an unrelated matter on 8 August 2005 at his Perdana Leadership Foundation office in Kuala Lumpur.
Thitinan Pongsudhirak in The Guardian, 8 November 2009, where he also referred to ‘the soul of an emerging Thailand’.
See, for instance, Eva-Lotta Hedman on a gruesome massacre on 23 November 2009: The Maguindanao Massacre, Critical Elections and Armed Conflict in the Philippines, LSE IDEAS Situation Analysis.
See, for instance, Kessler (2010).
National Economic Advisory Council: New Economic Model for Malaysia Part 1, Percetakan Nasional Malaysia Berhad, Kuala Lumpur, March 2010. For a review of the report see Majid (2010b).
References
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Kessler, C. (2010) Can BN win again? Malaysia's next national elections: A ‘last hurrah’? Off the Edge, February, pp. 50–57.
Lee, L.K. (2000) From Third World to First. Singapore: Times Media, p. 735.
Legge, J.D. (1972) Sukarno, A Political Biography. New York: Pelican, pp. 279–310.
Majid, M. (2010a) The world is what I say it is? The Edge 25 January.
Majid, M. (2010b) NEM: Malaysia must not lose its way. The Edge 12 April.
Vatikiotis, M. (1993) Indonesian Politics Under Suharto. London: Routledge.
Wain, B. (2009) Malaysian Maverick – Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 69–77.
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Majid, M. Going through the democratic motions in Southeast Asia. Int Polit 47, 725–738 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2010.27
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2010.27