Abstract
All foreign policy is part of one or several traditions, and the United States is the country where references to these traditions most abound. US diplomatic history is full of references to these traditions, which often become doctrines: Monroe’s Doctrine with its Polk, Ohney, and Roosevelt corollaries, Manifest Destiny, the Open Door Policy, President Wilson’s Fourteen Points, Acheson’s doctrine, Nixon’s doctrine, Reagan’s doctrine, and Clinton’s doctrine.1 Every president claims, or is identified with a foreign-policy doctrine. Barack Obama is no exception. As described below, however, he challenged attempts to define his policy with regard to the Arab Spring. This is the crux of the problem. The press and academic circles often use the term “doctrine” to mean guidelines, which can be more or less strict. What is sometimes pompously called the Clinton doctrine, based on the idea of “democratic enlargement,” was in fact but a bureaucratic exercise to theorize US foreign policy after the end of the Cold War, even though the term doctrine is probably not the most appropriate to describe a fundamentally pragmatic, post—Cold War policy.2 These doctrines often serve to give formal coherence to tentative policies, but also to rationalize policies and constraints. The Nixon doctrine was nothing more than a means to prepare the United States for a withdrawal from Vietnam by emphasizing that it was time for the Vietnamese to take responsibility for their security.
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Walter Russell Mead, Special Providence, American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2001)
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Quoted in Franck Ninkovich, Modernity and Power: A History of the Domino Theory in the Twentieth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 43.
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Paul Kennedy was one of the first to demonstrate the constraints on US power, even though the United States remarkably succeeded in dodging this constraint until 2009. Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (New York: Vintage, 1989).
For a systemic definition of realism, see Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1979).
For a review of the literature, see David Baldwin, “Power and International Relations,” in Handbook of International Relations, ed. Walter Carlsnaes, Thomas Risse, and Beth A. Simmons (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002), 177–191.
Realism is not a unified collection of thought. The classics include: Hans Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations (New York: McGraw, 1954); Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics, op. cit.
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John Lewis Gaddis, Surprise, Security, and the American Experience (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 13.
Cited in Edward Howland Tatum Jr., The United States and Europe, 1815–1823, A Study in the Background of the Monroe Doctrine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1934), 244–245.
Jackson Richard, Writing the War on Terrorism: Language, Politics and Counter-terrorism: New Approaches to Conflict Analysis (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2005), 5.
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© 2012 Zaki Laïdi
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Laïdi, Z. (2012). No More Monsters to Destroy?. In: Limited Achievements. The Sciences Po Series in International Relations and Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137020871_3
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