Abstract
Imperial Germany (the Kaiserreich) was founded by the proclamation of 18 January 1871 in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, after a series of conflicts conventionally known as the ‘wars of unification’. The new state was created largely by Prussian military success and the ingenuity of Otto von Bismarck — or so the story has usually gone. Admittedly, such a summary does not do justice to recent master narratives of modern German history provided by the likes of James Sheehan, Thomas Nipperdey, or Hans-Ulrich Wehler. These authors have acknowledged both the importance of social and economic factors in leading to unification and the continuing diversity of the German territories afterward. Nevertheless, most historical accounts continue to suggest that the German nation was forged primarily in a ‘revolution from above.’ Even more significantly, having described pre-unification ‘Germany’ as a tapestry of regional diversity, historians grow less cautious once the threshold of 1871 is passed. Typically, they revert to generalizing statements about ‘German politics’, ‘German society’, and ‘German nationalism’ — all in the singular.1 Regional historians have been chipping away at this Prussocentric, uniform interpretation for some time now, by juxtaposing it to divergent developments in Germany’s federal states. In doing so, they have offered a major re-evaluation of German history.2 Arguably, however, their conclusions have yet to be fully assimilated by ‘mainstream’ German historiography.3
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Notes
Recent general accounts of on Imperial Germany include: T. Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte 1866–1918, 2 vols (Munich, 1990–92)
V. Berghahn, Imperial Germany, 1871–1914: Economy, Society, Culture, and Politics (Providence, 1994 )
H.-U. Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte Bd.3: Von der ‘Deutschen Doppelrevolution’ bis zum Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges, 1849–1914 (Munich, 1995)
J.J. Sheehan, German History 1770–1866 (Oxford, 1989 ).
See also: R. Chickering (ed.), Imperial Germany: A Historiographical Companion (Westport, 1996 ).
For cultural approaches to nationalism, see among others: E. François et al.(eds), Nation und Emotion (Göttingen, 1995 )
H.-G. Haupt and C. Tacke, ‘Die Kultur des Nationalen’, in: W. Hardtwig and H.-U. Wehler (eds), Kulturgeschichte heute (Göttingen, 1996), pp. 257–85.
See, for example: J. Retallack (ed.), Saxony in German History: Culture, Society, and Politics, 1830–1933 (Ann Arbor, 2000 ).
J. Retallack, ‘Society and politics in Saxony in the nineteenth and twentieth Century: reflections on recent research’, Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 38 (1998), 396–457.
Celia Applegate, A Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat (Berkeley, 1990 );
C. Tacke, Denkmal im sozialen Raum. Nationale Symbole in Deutschland und Frankreich im 19: Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1995 );
A. Confino, The Nation as Local Metaphor: Württemberg, Imperial Germany, and National Memory, 1871–1918 (Chapel Hill, 1997 ).
See, for instance: M. Hughes, Nationalism and Society: Germany 1800–1945 (London, 1988 );
O. Dann, Nation und Nationalismus in Deutschland 1770–1990 (Munich, 1993 ).
J. Sperber, The European Revolutions, 1848–1851 (Cambridge, 1994), esp. pp. 250 ff.
See: R. Dietrich, ‘Preußen als Besatzungsmacht im Königreich Sachsen, 1866–1868’, Jahrbuch fair die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 5 (1956), 273–93;
J. Retallack, “Why can’t a Saxon be more like a Prussian?” Regional Identities and the Birth of Modern Political Culture in Germany, 1866–7’, Canadian Journal of History 32 (1997), 26–55.
A. Kraus, Geschichte Bayerns. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Munich, 1983), p. 562 ff.
N. Buschmann, Einkreisung und Waffenbruderschaft. Die öffentliche Deutung von Krieg und Nation in Deutschland, 1850–1871 (Göttingen, 2003 ).
W. Hardtwig, Geschichtskultur und Wissenschaft (Munich, 1990 ), p. 278.
See: W. Conze and D. Groh, Die Arbeiterbewegung in der nationalen Bewegung (Stuttgart, 1966 ), pp. 94f., 110f.; Hardtwig, Geschichtskultur, p. 287 f.;
F. Schellack, Nationalfeiertage in Deutschland von 1871 bis 1945 (Frankfurt a.M., 1990), pp. 86 f.
For examples of Social Democratic activities against Sedan Day, compare: H. Müller, ‘Die deutsche Arbeiterklasse und die Sedanfeiern. Zum antimilitärischen Kampf der Sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterpartei in den ersten Jahren nach der Reichsgründung’, Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 17 (1969), 1554–64;
G. Birk, ‘Der Tag von Sedan: Intentionen, Resonanz und Widerstand (1871–1895)’, Jahrbuch für Volkskunde und Kulturgeschichte, 25 (1982), 95–110;
A. Hall, Scandal, Sensation, and Social Democracy: The SPD Press and Wilhelmine Germany, 1890–1914 (Cambridge, 1977 ), p. 57.
Confino, Nation as Local Metaphor, p. 33; T. Schieder, Das Deutsche Kaiserreich von 1871 als Nationalstaat, (Cologne, 1961 ), p. 129.
W.K. Blessing, Staat und Kirche in der Gesellschaft. Institutionelle Autorität und mentaler Wandel in Bayern während des 19. Jahrhunderts (Göttingen, 1982 ), pp. 181, 190.
W.K. Blessing, ‘Der monarchische Kult, politische Loyalität und die Arbeiterbewegung im deutschen Kaiserreich’, in: G.A. Ritter (ed.), Arbeiterkultur (Königstein, 1979 ), pp. 185–208;
Blessing, Staat und Kirche; A. Green, Fatherlands. State Building and Nationhood in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Cambridge, 2001 ), pp. 307, 320, 334f.
For details on Sedan Days in Munich, see: N. Freytag, ‘Sedantage in München. Gemeindefeiern, Komiteefeste und Vereinsgedenken’, Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte 61 (1998), 383–406.
M. Jeismann, Das Vaterland der Feinde. Studien zum nationalen Feindbegriff und Selbstverständnis in Deutschland und Frankreich, 1792–1918 (Stuttgart, 1992 ).
H. Kretzschmar, ‘Das sächsische Königtum im 19. Jahrhundert’, Historische Zeitschrift 170 (1950), 457–93, here p. 488.
B. Ulrich et al. (eds), Untertan in Uniform. Militär und Militarismus im Kaiserreich, 1871–1914: Quellen und Dokumente (Frankfurt a.M., 2001 ), p. 53.
H. Starke, ‘Der Empfang der sächsischen Truppen in Dresden am 11. Juli 1871. Ein Historiengemälde von Friedrich Wilhelm Heine aus dem Jahr 1879’, in J. Retallack (ed.), Sachsen in Deutschland. Politik, Kultur und Gesellschaft 1830–1918 (Bielefeld-Gütersloh, 2000 ), pp. 143–70. For details of the festival programme and itinerary, see Stadtarchiv Dresden (hereafter StadtA Dresden), 17.2.1, Kapsel A 5/VI.
See, for instance: M. Dittrich, Das Armee-Fest in Dresden zur Feier des 800 jährigen Jubiläums des Hauses Wettin am 14. 16. und 18. Juni 1889 (Zwickau, 1899 ), pp. 9–16.
StadtA Dresden 17.2.1, Kapsel A5/VI: ‘Der Sieges-Einzug’, p. 14; see also M. Dittrich, König Albert und Prinz Georg von Sachsen, die ersten Generalfeldmarschälle aus dem Königshause Wettin (Minden, 1896), pp. 36 ff.
StadtA Dresden 17.2.1, Kapsel A5/VI: ‘Der Sieges-Einzug’, p. 5, 9, 13; see also Dittrich, König Albert und seine Sachsen, p. 53. On Saxon competition with other states regarding contributions to German unification, see also: Weichlein, ’Saxons into Germans’, p. 177. Considering that the Saxon Crown Prince Albert had fought the Prussians only four years before, it was remarkable that the Saxon high command was very successful in the pursuit of military accolades. After his essential contribution to the German victory on 18 August 1870, Albert received the highest honour of commanding the newly formed Maas Army; Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt (ed.), Entscheidung 1870: Der deutsch-französische Krieg (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 84 f.
For further discussion, see: E. Fink, Region and Nation in Early Imperial Germany: Transformations of Popular Allegiances and Political Culture in the Period of Nation Building (PhD thesis, Toronto, 2004 ), esp. pp. 304–25.
On some of the diplomatic infighting behind the scenes, see: H. Philippi, ‘Preußisch-sächsische Verstimmungen im Jahrzehnt nach der Reichsgründung. Ein Beitrag zu Bismarcks Verhältnis zu den Bundesstaaten’, Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 15 (1966), 225–68.
See: K.B. Murr, “’Treue bis in den Tod”’. Kriegsmythen in der bayerischen Geschichtspolitik im Vormärz’, in: N. Buschmann and D. Langewiesche (eds), Der Krieg in den Gründungsmythen europäischer Nationen und der USA (Frankfurt a.M.-New York, 2003 ), pp. 138–74.
K.W. Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication: An Inquiry into the Foundations of Nationality (2nd edn, Cambridge, Mass., 1967), esp. pp. 96–100, views a ‘wide complementarity of social communication’ as an essential constitutive aspect of a nation. By social communication, Deutsch means the storage, recollection, transmission, recombination, and reapplication of memories, symbols, habits, and operating preferences by larger groups of people.
On this, see: M.L. Anderson, Practicing Democracy: Elections and Political Culture in Imperial Germany (Princeton, 2000 ).
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Fink, E. (2007). Symbolic Representations of the Nation: Baden, Bavaria, and Saxony, c.1860–80. In: Cole, L. (eds) Different Paths to the Nation. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230801424_11
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