Abstract
The British Labour government’s policy towards Italy was inspired by two distinct and yet interrelated objectives: first, to deny Italy to the Soviets and the PCI and second, to safeguard its interests in the region by a limited retrenchment that would assist Britain to spring back financially and recover its position as a major power alongside the United States and the USSR. Italy’s geo-strategic position made it vitally important for the defence of key British strategic interests such as maintaining the Mediterranean lines of communications and consequently for the defence of the Middle East and the protection of Greece and Turkey. Britain was thus alerted from early on to the dangers to its global position of a Soviet encroachment in the region. The fear of Communism and especially the fear of the PCI which had been an integral part of every Italian government from 1944 until 1947 was evident in all aspects of British policy towards Italy during 1946–9.1 Britain took all the measures it could to frustrate the ambitions of the PCI. The British decision to continue with involvement in the Italian armed and police forces during this period was directly related to these concerns as well as to promoting British interests. The Italian armed and police forces had been re-organised and were equipped, trained and standardised on British lines right up to the time Italy joined NATO.
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FO 371/43335/N2409/183/38, 21–4-1944, minute by Skaife, 5–4-1944; ibid., N2883/183/38, 12–5-1944, PHP(43)1(0), Post-Hostilities Planning Committee, Revised Draft, 24–4-1944; FO 371/56831/N3742/605/38, 21–3-1946, telegram, no. 1090, Franks to FO, 21–3-1946; PREM 8/515, COS(46)43(0), 13–2-46; CAB 131/1, DO(46)5, 15–2-1946; ibid., DO(46) 8, 18–3-1946; Arcidiacono, op. cit., pp. 239–66; Ross, ‘Foreign Office Attitudes to the Soviet Union, 1941–45’, pp. 521–40; Ellwood, ‘Al tramonto dell’ impero britannico’, 73–92; Rothwell, pp. 74–290, passim; Watt, ‘Britain the United States and the Opening of the Cold War’, pp. 50–5 and 57–9; Watt, ‘British Military Perceptions of the Soviet Union as a Strategic Threat, 1945–50’, pp. 328–35; Woodward, op. cit., pp. 471–91; Adamthwaite, op. dt., p. 13; Kent, ‘British Policy’, pp. 139–52.
FO 371/60622/ZM187/187/22, telegram, no. 566, FO to Rome, 14–12–1946; ibid., ZM1178/187/22, minute by Ross, 8–4-1946; letter, COS to JSM, 17–4-1946; FO 371/60602/1227/89/22, minutes by Harvey and Ross, 16–4-1946; letter, Carandini to Harvey, 16–4-1946; FO 371/60603/ZM2643/89/22, 30–7-1946, letter, Hoyer-Millar, to Sudgen, 30–7-1946; FO 371/60602/ZM1584/89/22, telegram, FAN 1135, SACMED to British Chiefs of Staff, 7–5-1946; letter, Ross to WO, 21–5-1946; FO 371/49890/ZM6285/243/22, minutes by Hood, 4–1-1946 and Ross, 8–1-1946; telegram, NAF 1103, SACMED to CCS, 21–12–1945; letter, FO to WO, 10–1-1946; AIR 23/6343, P/319 (1st Draft), ‘AFHQ 2–12–1945; P/319 (Final) (Revised), 15–12–1945; WO 204/3805, letter, MoD to SACMED, 13–2–1946; Miller, op. cit., p. 192; FO 371/73174/Z3972/274/22, despatch, no. 153, Mallet to Bevin, 4–5-1948.
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Gat, op. cit., p. 4.
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CAB 128/14, CM(48)19 Conclusions Annex, 5–3-1948.
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© 2003 Effie Pedaliu
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Pedaliu, E.G.H. (2003). Conclusion. In: Britain, Italy and the Origins of the Cold War. Cold War History Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230597402_7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230597402_7
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