Abstract
When NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Agreement) was ratified in 1993, it established the world’s first non-colonial integration scheme between two developed states and a developing country. By 2001, the experiment seemed so successful that the World Bank could issue a report recommending it for adoption elsewhere.1 Over twenty years of NAFTA, Mexico’s total trade has increased sevenfold; that of Canada and the US more than doubled. Trade between Canada and Mexico increased by 152 per cent after 1994.2 US annual merchandise trade with Canada and Mexico has gone up from US$300 billion in 1993 to US$600 billion.
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Notes
See Robert Pastor, Toward a North American Community: Lessons from the Old World to the New (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 2001), pp. 14–15, 22–3.
Stephen E. Flynn, “Beyond Border Control,” Foreign Affairs 79 (6) (2000), 58
Lloyd Axworthy, “A Changing North American Agenda,” Looking Ahead 23 (2) (Washington, DC: the National Policy Association, 2001), p. 9.
For the classic argument, see Karl Deutsch, Sidney A. Burrell and Robert A. Kann, Political Community and the North Atlantic Area (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957).
Andrew Hurrell, “An Emerging Security Community in South America?,” in Emmanuel Adler and Michael Barnett (eds), Security Communities (Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 241–2.
William Wallace, “Regionalism in Europe,” in Louise Fawcett and Andrew Hurrell (eds), Regionalism in World Politics (Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 210.
Princeton N. Lyman, “The Growing Influence of Domestic Factors,” in Stewart Patrick and Shepard Forman (eds), Multilateralism and U.S. Foreign Policy: Ambivalent Engagement (London and Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2002), p. 76.
See Perrin Beatty, “Isolation or Integration — Canada in North America,” Presentation to the Brooking Institution, Washington, DC, December 6 2001, Typescript p. 1: “Macdonald’s political platform, the National Policy, extended Canada’s boundaries horizontally along the American border, linking the territory by rail, and erecting trade barriers to protect central Canada’s domestic market.”
One factor leading to the establishment of Canada’s national broadcasting system in 1932, for example, was a concern about the effect of US broadcasting on Canadian unity. See Denis Stairs, “The Canadian Dilemma in North America,” in Joyce Hoebing, Sidney Weintraub, and M. Delal Baer (eds), NAFTA and Sovereignty: Tradeoffs for Canada, Mexico and the United States (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1996), pp. 15–16.
See Aurelio de los Reyes, “El gobierno mexicano y las películas denigrantes. 1920–1931,” in Ignacio Durán, Iván Trujillo, and Mónica Verea (eds), México Estados Unidos: Encuentros y desencuentros en el cine (Universidad Nacional Autönoma de México, 1996). The Mexican guideline for positive representations of Mexico was that “one can show poverty, but not misery.”
Peter Andreas, “Transnational Crime and Economic Globalization,” in Mats Berdal and Mónica Serrano (eds), Transnational Organized Crime and International Security: Business as Usual? (London and Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2002), p. 47.
For a representative exposition, see Lloyd Axworthy, “Liberals at the Border: We Stand on Guard for Whom?,” The 6th Annual Keith Davey Lecture (Toronto, March 11 2002). Available at www.liucentre.ubs.ca.
Glynn Custred, “North American Borders: Why They Matter?,” Backgrounder, Center for Immigration Studies, Washington, DC, May 2003, p. 8.
For example, research and development on common biometric identifiers; work on a common and secure identity document for permanent residents; the expansion of arrangements for facilitating the movement of pre-approved travellers across the border (NEXUS); information sharing on refugee claimants and asylum- seekers; joint review of visa waiver; and the sharing of lookout lists, and the development of compatible databases for immigration. See “Action Plan for Creating a Secure and Smart Border” (December 12 2001). Available at http://www.can-am.gc.ca. Some observers called for a “North American safety perimeter” in immigration policy. See Doris Meissner, After the Attacks: Protecting Borders and Liberties (Washington, DC: The Carnegie Endowment, Policy Brief No. 8, November 2001), pp. 5–6.
Deborah Waller Meyers, Does “Smarter” Lead To Safer? An Assessment of the Border Accords with Canada and Mexico, Migration Policy Institute No. 2, June 2003, p. 9.
The Coalition for Secure and Trade Efficient Borders, Rethinking our Borders: A Plan for Action, December 3 2003, Appendix A.
See the interesting discussion by Seymour Martin Lipset, Continental Divide: The Values and Institutions of the US and Canada (New York: Routledge, 1990), pp. 212–16. While opinion polls put differences between Canadians and Americans in the range of 5–10 per cent, “the cultural differences of the past continue” between the liberal-individualist US and Tory-socialist Canada.
Jeffrey Davidow, El Oso Y El Puercoespín Testimonio de un embajador de Estados Unidos en México (México: Grupo Grijalbo, 2003), p. 327. As he notes, Mexico’s migration proposals had significantly one-sided implications for US sovereignty.
Cottam and Marenin, “International Cooperation In The War On Drugs: Mexico And The United States,” Policing and Society 9 (1999) p. 219: “Coordination is among equals: cooperation implies structure and decisionmaking authority.” As they note, the early bilateral Operation Cooperation followed on from the disruptively unilateral Operation Intercept of the Nixon administration in 1969.
Mexico agreed to coordinate maritime operations with the US Coast Guard, to allow surveillance operations by US ships and aircraft in Mexican water and air space, to accept military support and training, and to admit 12 additional US law enforcment agents. See Jorge I. Dominguez and Fernández de Castro, The United States and Mexico: Between Partnership and Conflict (New York: Routledge, 2001), p. 46.
Jack Granatstein, “Evidence to the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade” (May 6 2002).
Although differences again existed to be downplayed. See Bob Woodward, Plan Of Attack (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004), p. 373: “[Condoleeza] Rice spoke with her counterpart in Canada, who said, sorry, we can’t be a part of this, but promised to keep their rhetoric at a low boil — just enough to satisfy Canadian public opinion but without being belligerent or provocative.”
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© 2005 Neil S. MacFarlane & Mónica Serrano
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MacFarlane, S.N., Serrano, M. (2005). Security Regulation or Community? Canada, Mexico, and the Borders of Identity. In: Fawcett, L., Serrano, M. (eds) Regionalism and Governance in the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230523029_11
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230523029_11
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