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Resistance, Collaboration or Third Way? Responses to Napoleonic Rule in Germany

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Popular Resistance in the French Wars

Abstract

The terms ‘resistance’ and ‘collaboration’ are evocative, and are generally applied to Nazi-occupied Europe. The characteristics of the collaborator are uniformly negative: somebody motivated by cowardice, malice or even ideological affiliation with the invader who betrays his country and fellow citizens. The resister is a hero, courageous, patriotic, fighting against the odds. These are the popular images. Of course, theorists of ‘collaboration’ and ‘resistance’, be they political scientists, sociologists or historians, are dissatisfied with such a simple dichotomy. Stephen Gilliatt, in his recent exploration of the dynamics of the phenomenon, notes that the term collaborazionistas, when it first appeared in an Italian dictionary in 1922 as a descriptor for socialists wanting to work with the bourgeois government, initially carried with it no negative connotations.1 However, it quickly gained these even before World War II, when its current emotive meaning became widespread. Works of scholarly detachment, in contrast, view ‘collaboration’ as a political strategy, not pathological behaviour: it is a possible way of managing conflicting interests, as indeed is resistance. Beyond that, they fail to agree on any definitions, but tend to recognise that both ‘collaboration’ and ‘resistance’ are blanket terms covering various forms of behaviour and motivation. Typical is the following, from Peter Davies’s recent book on wartime France: ‘… an act of resistance was, basically, anything that, in the mind of the person or group executing the act, felt like an act of resistance’.2

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Notes

  1. S. Gilliatt, An Exploration of the Dynamics of Collaboration and Non-Resistance (Lewiston, NY, 2000), p. 131.

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  3. For example, L. Taylor, Between Resistance and Collaboration. Popular Protest in Northern France, 1940–45 (Basingstoke, 2000), passim.

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  4. Though it should be noted, at this point, that a strand of the current German historiography of the Holy Roman Empire now views that entity less as an incoherent, loose collection of essentially sovereign territories and more as a ‘state’ in its own right — indeed, a precursor of the German nation state. See especially G. Schmidt, ‘Das frühneuzeitliche Reich — komplementäres Staat oder föderative Nation’, Historische Zeitschrift, CCLXXIII, no. 2 (October, 2001), pp. 371–99; and

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  7. This would become dramatically apparent when the French revolutionaries attempted to impose their new republican calendar and festivals on the region in the late 1790s. For more on this, cf. M. Rowe, ‘Forging “New-Frenchmen”: state propaganda in the Rhineland, 1794–1814’, in B. Taithe and T. Thornton (eds), Propaganda (Stroud, 1999), pp. 115–30.

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  25. The author is mindful of the danger of believing everything spouted by Napoleonic sources on the preceding Directory, a régime the new rulers of France had a vested interest in denigrating. That said, with respect to the occupied territories, and especially the Rhineland, the Consulate represented a definite improvement over what had preceded. For a positive assessment of the Directory’s achievements in France proper, see M. Lyons, France under the Directory (Cambridge, 1975); and, more recently,

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© 2005 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited

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Rowe, M. (2005). Resistance, Collaboration or Third Way? Responses to Napoleonic Rule in Germany. In: Esdaile, C.J. (eds) Popular Resistance in the French Wars. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230522992_4

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230522992_4

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