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The Modernist Imagination: A 19th Century Conflict

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The Greek-Turkish Conflict in the Aegean

Part of the book series: New Perspectives on South-East Europe Series ((NPSE))

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Abstract

The origins of the Greek-Turkish conflict can be found in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The spark was the French Revolution with its call for popular sovereignty, republican rule, civil rights and the principle of nationalities.

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Notes

  1. Bernard Lewis (1968) [1961], The Emergence of Modem Turkey (London: Oxford University Press), p. 65.

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  2. Ibid., pp. 53–5, 65–7; Roderic Davison (1977), ‘Nationalism as an Ottoman Problem and the Ottoman Response’, in William W. Haddad and William Ochsenwald (eds), Nationalism in a Non-National State: The Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire (Columbus: Ohio State University Press), p. 38

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  8. Traian Stoianovich (1960), ‘The Conquering Balkan Merchant’, The Journal of Economic History, 20, pp. 234–313.

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  9. Charles A. Frazee (1969), The Orthodox Church and Independent Greece, 1821–1852 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 7.

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  12. For the concept of internal colonialism, see Michael Hechter (1975), Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in the British National Development (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul).

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  19. Frazee, op. cit., pp. 13–7; Prousis, op. cit., pp. 26–8; Papageorgiou, op. cit., pp. 87–93; H. Şükrü Ilicak (2009), ‘The Revolt of Alexandros Ipsilantis and the Fate of the Fanariots in Ottoman Documents’, in Petros Pizanias (ed.), I Elliniki Epanastasi tou 1821: ena evropaiko gegonos [The Greek Revolution of 1821: A European Event] (Athens: Kedros and Ionian University History Department), pp. 227–8, 321–3.

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  20. Russia denied any involvement and it is clear that there was no Russian conspiracy against the Ottoman Empire with the Greeks at the forefront. However, it is obvious that there was some limited support to Ypsilantis and the Etairists at a lower level by Russian officials. See Prousis, op. cit., pp. 8–26; Ilicak, op. cit., p. 324. Interestingly, Kemal Karpat supports Mahmûd’s line, claiming that there is documentary evidence that the Russians organised Ypsilantis’s revolt, though they later disavowed it for fear of international complications. See Kemal H. Karpat (2002), Studies on Ottoman Social and Political History: Selected Articles and Essays (Leiden: Brill), p. 417.

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  21. Ilicak, op. cit., pp. 321–5, 328–30. See also Vitali Sheremet (1992), ‘The Greek Revolution of 1821: A New Look at Old Problems’, Modem Greek Studies Yearbook (University of Minnesota), 8, pp. 41–55 Resolution: Golbal

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  23. The bibliography of the Greek War of Independence is legion, particularly in Greece. For recent books, see Papageorgiou, op. cit., pp. 79–284; and Petros Pizanias (ed.) (2009), I Elliniki Epanastasi tou 1821: ena evropaiko gegonos [The Greek Revolution of 1821: A European Event] (Athens: Kedros and Ionian University History Department).

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  24. In English see in particular, Douglas Dakin (1973), The Greek Struggle for Independence, 1821–1833 (London: B.T. Batsford)

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  31. Ibid., pp. 281–2, 284–5. For the reforms along the more traditional Ottomanist line, that is, without mentioning the Greek Revolution as the triggering event, see B. Lewis, op. cit., pp. 78–9, 100–1; Geoffrey Lewis (1974), Modern Turkey (London: Ernest Benn Limited), pp. 42–4; Zürcher, op. cit., pp. 53–4; Hanioğlu, op. cit., pp. 60–71, 77.

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  35. Michael Herzfeld (1982), Ours Once More: Folklore, Ideology, and the Making of Modern Greece (Austin: University of Texas Press), pp. 3–4.

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  36. For the status of the Romioi in the Ottoman Empire after 1821–30, see Alexandris, op. cit., pp. 21–51; Clogg, ‘The Greek Millet in the Ottoman Empire’, op. cit., pp. 195–6; Dimitri Gondikas and Charles Issawi (eds) (1999), Ottoman Greeks in the Age of Nationalism (Princeton: The Darwin Press, Inc.); Sinan Kuneralp (1988), ‘Le Grecs en Stambouline: diplomats ottomans d’origine grécque’, in Vaner (ed.), op. cit., pp. 41–6.

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  37. Roderic Davison (1963), Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856–76 (Princeton: Princeton University Press); Berkes, op. cit., pp. 144–200; B. Lewis, op. cit., pp. 105–28; G. Lewis, op. cit., pp. 44–5

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  39. Clogg, ‘The Greek Millet in the Ottoman Empire’, op. cit., p. 195; Sia Anagnostopoulou (1997), Mikra Asia, 19os aionas-1919. Oi ellinorthodoxes koinotites [Asia Minor, 19th Century-1919. The Greek-Orthodox Communities] (Athens: Ellinika Grammata), pp. 190–204 and passim.

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  40. Paschalis Kitromilides (1990), ‘Greek Irredentism in Asia Minor and Cyprus’, Middle Eastern Studies, 26, 1, p. 4.

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  41. Şerif Mardin (2000) [1962], The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press); Berkes, op. cit., pp. 201–22; Zürcher, op. cit., pp. 71–4; Hanioğlu, op. cit., pp. 103–4

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  42. Elli Skopetea (1988), To ‘Protypo Vasileio’ kai i Megali Idea [The ‘Prototype Kingdom’ and the Great Idea] (Athens: Polytypo), pp. 257–9.

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  43. Skopetea, op. cit., pp. 269–324; Michael Llewellyn Smith (1973), Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor (London: Allen Lane), p. 4.

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  44. Domna Donta (1973), I Ellas kai oi Dynameis kata ton Krimaikon Polemon [Greece and the Powers during the Crimean War] (Thessaloniki: IMXA).

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  45. Lena Divani (2000), I edafiki oloklirisi tis Ellados [The Territorial Integration of Greece] (Athens: Kastaniotis), pp. 143–9.

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  46. At this point a striking vignette is worth injecting, which is illustrative of the level of Ottoman-Ottoman Greek relations. Cleanthi Scalieri, an Ottoman Greek and high ranking Freemason, was close to the Ottoman heir, Mûrad and initiated him into the Freemason’s lodge. The aim was to bring about the much needed liberalisation and democratisation of the Empire with Mûrad (well-known for his intellect and liberal views) as sultan. When Mûrad was deposed, a committee was formed under Scalieri and Aziz Bey in order to reinstate Mûrad by a coup. When this venture failed, Scalieri and other Freemasons, mainly Greeks, lobbied for the next few decades in Western capitals to get assistance for the reinstatement of Mûrad to the throne (apparently Mûrad, who was held all along at Çirakan Palace, had recovered completely). See M. Şükrü Hanioglu (1995), The Young Turks in Opposition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 34–6.

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  48. Alexandris, op. cit., p. 32. On the rise of Turkish ‘economic nationalism’ against the Ottoman Greeks, see Ayhan Aktar (1996) ‘Economic Nationalism in Turkey: The Formative Years, 1912–1925’, Bogazici Journal: Review of Social, Economic and Administrative Studies, 10, 1–2, pp. 265–9.

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  51. Berkes, op. cit., pp. 321–2. For the different social backgrounds between the liberal and conservative Young Turks (the former upper class, cosmopolitan and fluent with foreign languages, the latter lower middle class), see Feroz Ahmad (1993), The Making of Modern Turkey (London: Routledge), pp. 34–5.

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  52. Şerif Mardin (1997), ‘The Ottoman Empire’, in Karen Barkey and Mark von Hagen (eds), After Empire: Multiethnic Societies and Nation-Building (Boulder: Westview), pp. 115–7. See also Ahmad, op. cit., p. 17.

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Heraclides, A. (2010). The Modernist Imagination: A 19th Century Conflict. In: The Greek-Turkish Conflict in the Aegean. New Perspectives on South-East Europe Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230283398_3

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