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War and Its Aftermath

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Dangerous Language — Esperanto under Hitler and Stalin

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Abstract

At first, the main obstacle to Esperanto’s dissemination was simply doubt about its survival. What Zamenhof offered to the world was only one of the many proposals for a new language that appeared almost annually, though generally they did not move much beyond the stage of a single small publication. We should also remember that at the end of the nineteenth century the idea of an international language, perhaps supported in principle by a majority of informed people, was compromised by the sudden rise of the language project Volapük in the 1880s and its equally sudden fall. Consequently, public disillusionment, commercial and scientific skepticism and the indifference or mockery of the linguistic establishment were the principal obstacles confronting the first adepts of Esperanto.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See Garvía (2015), pp. 21–56.

  2. 2.

    Letter to Zamenhof, 9 Dec. 1906, Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, p. 323. He added: ‘we should not forget that the opponents of Esperanto are still many and influential, particularly in the upper levels of society’.

  3. 3.

    Letter to Zamenhof, 15 October, 1905, PVZ X 197. On the other hand, an anti-Esperanto publication in 1907 spread the assertion that Esperanto ‘is a new instrument of social disintegration adopted by the Jews’: Ernest Gaubert, La sottise espérantiste, Paris: Les Éditions Nouvelles, p. 24.

  4. 4.

    Alfred Hermann Fried‚ ‘Eine internationale Hilfssprache’, Die Woche 4 (1902), 26: 1197–9.

  5. 5.

    Alfred H. Fried, Lehrbuch der Internationalen Hilfssprache ‘Esperanto’, Berlin-Schöneberg: Esperanto-Verlag, 1903. Fried was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1911.

  6. 6.

    J.B., ‘Esperanto kaj internaciismo’, Germana Esperantisto 3 (1906): 88–9.

  7. 7.

    Ernst Kliemke‚ ‘Kulturmalsaĝaĵoj. Glosoj al la mondlingva Movado’, Germana Esperantisto 9 (1912), edition A, p. 162 (translated from Der Vortrupp, 1912, Sept.).

  8. 8.

    Kurt Schubert, ‘Deutsche Sprache und Esperanto’, Das Deutschtum im Ausland, 1912: 648–52. On Ostwald’s opinion see, for example, Wilhelm Ostwald, Die internationale Hilfssprache und das Esperanto, Berlin: Möller & Borel, 1907, pp. 16–17. Ostwald, Nobel laureate in 1909, initially supported Esperanto; in 1908 he went over to Ido.

  9. 9.

    Ostholsteinische Zeitung, 10 June 1911; quoted in Germana Esperantisto 8 (1911): 150.

  10. 10.

    Berliner Beamten-Zeitschrift, 5 May 1911; quoted in Germana Esperantisto 8 (1911): 151.

  11. 11.

    Schubert, p. 651.

  12. 12.

    Schubert, p. 652.

  13. 13.

    22 February 1907; quoted in Germana Esperantisto 4 (1907): 42.

  14. 14.

    Alldeutsche Blätter, 17 August 1912; quoted in Germana Esperantisto 9 (1912), edition A, p. 152.

  15. 15.

    Sautter, ‘Noch einmal die deutsche Sprache und Esperanto’, Das Deutschtum im Ausland, 1913: 758.

  16. 16.

    Wartburgstimmen, 1913, Oct.; quoted in Germana Esperantisto 10 (1913), edition A, p. 164.

  17. 17.

    Alfred Geiser in Das Deutschtum im Ausland, 1912: 652–4 (quotation p. 654).

  18. 18.

    Zimmermann (1915); Zimmermann & Müller-Holm (1923). The Union, founded in 1893, did not admit Jewish members; see Iris Hamel, Völkischer Verband und nationale Gewerkschaft. Die Politik des Deutschnationalen Handlungsgehilfenverbandes 1893–1933, Frankfurt a.M.: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1967.

  19. 19.

    Zimmermann (1915), p. 3.

  20. 20.

    4 January 1913 and 15 January 1913; quoted in Germana Esperantisto 10 (1913), edition A, pp. 19, 41.

  21. 21.

    EdE, p. 191.

  22. 22.

    Also the pacifists, themselves virtual pariahs in Wilhelm’s Germany, hesitated to reveal their sympathies for Esperanto, afraid of provoking protests on the part of the nationalists that the pacifists were undermining the German language and culture: Chickering (1975), pp. 129–30.

  23. 23.

    ‘Deutschtum, Esperanto und die Volksschule’, Sächsische Schulzeitung 81 (1915), 41: 606 –7. On Esperanto as a ‘national shield’ against the German tendency to glorify foreign cultures, see Emil Bausenwein, Was geht den Deutschen das Esperanto an? Haida: La Marto, 1913, p. 10.

  24. 24.

    Friedrich Ellersiek, ‘Staatsbürger und Esperantisten’, Germana Esperantisto 10 (1913), edition A, pp. 18–19.

  25. 25.

    Breiger, ‘Rückblick auf das Jahr 1913’, Germana Esperantisto 11 (1914), edition A, p. 2.

  26. 26.

    G.H. Göhl, Esperanto. Eine Kulturforderung und ihre Erfüllung, Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer, 1914, p. 102.

  27. 27.

    Editorial note in Germana Esperantisto 10 (1913), edition A, p. 171. See also Th. Rousseau, ‘UEA kaj ŝovinismo’, Esperanto 9 (1913): 267–8.

  28. 28.

    V. Bitner, ‘Al laboro!’, Espero (Saint Petersburg), 1908: 51.

  29. 29.

    See the notice in Ruslanda Esperantisto 1 (1905): 102.

  30. 30.

    Ĥvorostin (1972), p. 84.

  31. 31.

    H.A. Luyken, Paŭlo Debenham, London: British Esperanto Association, 1911 (reprinted Saarbrücken: Iltis, 1990), p.  8; Ĥvorostin (1972), p. 85.

  32. 32.

    Ruslanda Esperantisto 2 (1906): 157

  33. 33.

    de Bruin (1936), p. 19.

  34. 34.

    Esperanto 7 (1911): 281.

  35. 35.

    Esperanto 7 (1911): 285.

  36. 36.

    G. Demidjuk, ‘Ĉirkaŭ la interna ideo. Historia skizo’, in Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda, Jarlibro 5 (1926): 181–96 (esp. pp. 192–3); de Bruin (1936), p. 20.

  37. 37.

    Ĥvorostin (1972), p. 83.

  38. 38.

    A. Stamatiadis in EdE, p. 201; La Ondo de Esperanto 4 (1912): 145–6. In September 1907, the prohibition was lifted, and three years later the parliament of Samos unanimously voted for the compulsory teaching of Esperanto in all the schools on the island.

  39. 39.

    Esperanto 8 (1912): 41; K. Ch. Shan (Sheng Guocheng), ‘Letero el Ĥinlando’, La Ondo de Esperanto 4 (1912): 57.

  40. 40.

    Germana Esperantisto 10 (1913), edition A, pp. 165–6, 184; Internacia Socia Revuo 7 (1913): 287–8.

  41. 41.

    Internacia Socia Revuo 1 (1907), 3: 15–16, 6: 16, 8–9: 24, 10–11: 15; 3 (1909): 63; Internationaler Sozialisten-Kongress zu Stuttgart, 18. bis 24. August 1907, Berlin: Vorwärts, 1907, p. 23. Jaurès and Vaillant also presented to the congress a proposal for a resolution stating that, in the event of an outbreak of war, the proletariat should stage a massive strike and rebel against the authorities; the German August Bebel violently opposed this radical proposal, which ultimately failed to attract a majority.

  42. 42.

    Germana Esperantisto 9 (1914), edition A, p. 109.

  43. 43.

    Internacia Socia Revuo 7 (1913): 260.

  44. 44.

    De Tribune (Amsterdam), 20 June 1908; quoted in Frateco (The Hague), 1908, 3 (Sept.): 1, and Internacia Socia Revuo 2 (1908): 111.

  45. 45.

    The German and Austrian social democrats, on the other hand, sharply rejected Esperanto. See Bahr (1978), p. 232 and following.

  46. 46.

    Report in Internacia Socia Revuo 6 (1912): 105–8. On the same occasion there appeared Politika Malliberulo, a special Esperanto-language issue of the Polish journal Więzień Polityczny, whose goal was to make world public opinion aware of the terrors in Tsarist Russia.

  47. 47.

    See E. Lanti’s interview with Malatesta in 1924: Sennacieca Revuo 5 (1923/24), 10 (51): 5. In the early issues of Internacia Socia Revuo (in 1907) Malatesta was listed as an editorial collaborator.

  48. 48.

    Miyamoto Masao, La morta suito. Oosugi Sakae, anarkiisto-esperantisto, Kyoto: l’omnibuso, 1984, pp. 31–6. Two letters by Ōsugi were published in Internacia Socia Revuo 2 (1908): 20, 70–1.

  49. 49.

    Its Chinese-language title was Minsheng. It was the first anarchist journal published in China; all of its 34 issues regularly included pages in Esperanto. After Liu Shifu’s death in 1915 the journal continued publication, with interruptions, until 1921. On its significance, see Müller & Benton (2006), 45–73 (esp. 56–8).

  50. 50.

    For their part, the socialist Esperantists admitted that this was so. See the 1912 quotation from La Kulturo (Prague) in de Bruin (1936), p. 9.

  51. 51.

    See the text of the ‘abdication’ speech, Orig III 2542–5.

  52. 52.

    The congress was canceled because of the declaration of war.

  53. 53.

    Orig III 2563–9.

  54. 54.

    Orig III 2582–9.

  55. 55.

    Orig III 2588. By ‘free faith member’ (‘liberkredano’, or in other contexts ‘neŭtralisto’) Zamenhof understood the tolerant, non-dogmatic religious believer.

  56. 56.

    Letter to Bourlet, 24 February 1913, Orig III 2570.

  57. 57.

    Letter to Wilhelm Heller, 30 June 1914, Orig III 2655–7. But Zamenhof repeated his position that the Jews ‘are most in need of a neutral language’, expressed sympathy for the plan and offered to help with advice. It was anticipated that the first meeting of the association would take place in Paris; a new effort to found a ‘Worldwide Esperantist Hebrew Association’ was made in 1922. At about the same time as the plan was presented to him, Zamenhof reacted sharply to an anti-Jewish article appearing in Pola Esperantisto: letter of 16 July 1914, Orig III 2663–6; cf. Korĵenkov (2011), pp. 273–5, 279.

  58. 58.

    A partial fulfillment of Zamenhof’s ideal can be found in modern ecumenical thought and practice.

  59. 59.

    Cf. Waringhien (1980), p. 74.

  60. 60.

    Orig III 2398–2410; English text (‘International Language’) in Gustav Spiller (ed.), Inter-Racial Problems: Papers from the First Universal Races Congress Held in London in 1911, London: P.S. King, 1911 (reprint New York: Citadel Press, 1970), pp. 425–32.

  61. 61.

    ‘Post la Granda Milito. Alvoko al la Diplomatoj’, Orig III 2687–92 (quotation p. 2689).

  62. 62.

    Cf. Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, p. 258.

  63. 63.

    Waringhien (1980), pp. 74–5.

  64. 64.

    Privat (2007), p. 133.

  65. 65.

    Haimin Wung-Sung (2011), pp. 11, 13.

  66. 66.

    Krajewski (2014), pp. 56–9, 62. Even before the outbreak of the First World War it was evident that scientists tended to favor their own national language (English, French, German) over an artificial language: Gordin (2015), pp. 159–63; Garvía (2015), pp. 105–6.

  67. 67.

    EeP, pp. 365–7.

  68. 68.

    Jakob (1933), p. 18.

  69. 69.

    H. Hodler, ‘La socio post la milito’, Esperanto 13 (1917): 73–5; reprinted in Jakob (1928), pp. 146–57.

  70. 70.

    H. Hodler, ‘Super’, Esperanto 11 (1915): 3; reprinted in Jakob (1928), p. 103.

  71. 71.

    H. Hodler, ‘Nova spirito’, Esperanto 13 (1917): 113; reprinted in Jakob (1928), p. 162.

  72. 72.

    Edmond Privat, ‘La verko de H. Hodler’, Esperanto 16 (1920): 102. In 1915–16 Hodler also composed an extensive French-language essay on the peaceful organization of the peoples, which remained unpublished; see the biographical sketch by Eduard Stettler, in Jakob (1928), pp. 48–9. One chapter in the essay, ‘La justice internationale et le problème de l’arbitrage’, appeared in Les Documents du Progrès. Revue internationale (Lausanne) 10 (1916), Jan.: 280–96. Hodler also contributed to the journals La Voix de l’Humanité (Lausanne) and Demain. Pages et Documents (Geneva).

  73. 73.

    H. Hodler, ‘Novaj perspektivoj’, Esperanto 15 (1919): 58; reprinted in Jakob (1928), p. 88.

  74. 74.

    See the special issue ‘Edmond Privat 1889–1962’ of Revue neuchâteloise 11 (1968), no. 43/44.

  75. 75.

    The signatories supported the project as private individuals rather than on behalf of their respective delegations. Among them were Edvard Beneš (Czechoslovakia), Wellington Koo (China) and Carlos Restrepo, former president of Colombia.

  76. 76.

    Quoted in Esperanto 16 (1920): 221.

  77. 77.

    Edmond Privat, ‘Esperanto ĉe la Ligo de Nacioj’, Esperanto 51 (1958): 57–9 (esp. p. 57).

  78. 78.

    The socialist Henri La Fontaine was one of the founders of the Union of International Associations and president of the International Peace Office. In 1913 he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. He was a strong supporter of Esperanto.

  79. 79.

    Quoted in Panchasi (2009), p. 147.

  80. 80.

    Ray Stannard Baker, President Wilson’s press secretary (1922), quoted in Panchasi (2009), p. 140.

  81. 81.

    Outsiders, however, hardly surprisingly, imputed to the project the goal of introducing Esperanto into the League. See The New York Times, 19 December 1920, reprinted in Ulrich Becker (ed.), Esperanto in The New York Times (1887–1922), New York: Mondial, 2010, p. 219.

  82. 82.

    Letter of 30 December 1920; quoted in Huber (1973), p. 43. (The headquarters of the French ministry of foreign affairs is located on the Quai d’Orsay.) In general on the anti-Esperanto position of the French government in the early 1920s, see Panchasi (2009), pp. 135–59.

  83. 83.

    Lescure (1999), pp. 262–3.

  84. 84.

    For example the linguist Albert Dauzat (1912), according to Lescure, p. 269.

  85. 85.

    Lescure, p. 267.

  86. 86.

    Lescure, p. 413.

  87. 87.

    Lescure, p. 264.

  88. 88.

    Guérard (1922), pp. 22, 31.

  89. 89.

    André Baudet, Paris Chamber of Commerce (1921), quoted in Panchasi (2009), p. 152.

  90. 90.

    Lescure (1999), p. 270.

  91. 91.

    The Polish delegate also gave his support, with the reservation that the proposal should not lower the prestige of the French language. It is notable that all the Asian member-states supported the proposal, with the exception of Siam, which probably feared offending France. See Masatoshi Matsushita, Japan in the League of Nations, Ph.D. thesis, New York: Columbia University Press, 1929 (reprint New York: AMS Press, 1968), pp. 51–2.

  92. 92.

    Nitobe, educator, Quaker, pacifist, and a well-known advocate for accord between East and West, was deputy secretary-general from May 1920 to December 1926; later he became a member of the Japanese Chamber of Nobles. His best-known work is Bushido: The Soul of Japan: An Exposition of Japanese Thought, Tokyo: Shōkwabō, 1900, translated into many languages.

  93. 93.

    A full version of the report appears in Nitobe (1998).

  94. 94.

    Nitobe (1998), p. 65.

  95. 95.

    Nitobe (1998), p. 77.

  96. 96.

    Huber (1973), p. 59.

  97. 97.

    Quoted in Lescure (1999), p. 694. Several of Allizé’s formulations later reappeared in Bérard’s decree.

  98. 98.

    Huber (1973), pp. 60–2. On the context see Lescure (1999), pp. 695–9; Privat (1963), pp. 75–8; Mohammad Farrokh, La pensée et l’action d’Edmond Privat (1889–1962). Contribution à l’histoire des idées politiques en Suisse, Berne: Lang, 1991; Tomasz Chmielik, ‘Edmond Privat (1889–1962) kaj lia agado por la sendependiĝo de Polujo dum la unua mondmilito (1914–1918)’, in Haupenthal (2011), pp. 59–97. A summary article on Privat appears in Künzli (2006), pp. 539–46.

  99. 99.

    Quoted by Lescure (1999), pp. 698–9.

  100. 100.

    The text of the circular appeared in Le Monde espérantiste 15 (1922), 3 (125): 18. On the reactions of the French press see A. Fréchas, ‘Les gens d’esprit’, Le Monde espérantiste 15 (1922), 4 (126), pp. 25–8.

  101. 101.

    L.G. Montixile, ‘L’espéranto’, La Nouvelle Revue, 1922, 15 July: 167–71 (quotation p. 168); cf. Lescure (1999), p. 705.

  102. 102.

    Quoted in Lescure, p. 707.

  103. 103.

    The text of the letter from Bérard to the Human Rights League appeared in Le Monde espérantiste 16 (1923), 1 (129): 1; cf. Panchasi (2009), p. 155. In May 1923, Bérard declared Latin a compulsory subject in secondary schools; this decree was canceled by his successor. Later Bérard became a member of the French Academy and (under the Vichy regime) ambassador to the Vatican.

  104. 104.

    The report appeared in pamphlet form in several national languages.

  105. 105.

    Esperanto as an International Auxiliary Language, Geneva: League of Nations, 1922, pp. 31–2.

  106. 106.

    Contre l’octroi du patronage de la Société des Nations à l’Espéranto, Geneva, 1922.

  107. 107.

    Quotations from the summary in Esperanto 18 (1922): 166.

  108. 108.

    Esperanto 18 (1922): 167.

  109. 109.

    Edmond Privat, Federala sperto. Studo pri du sukcesoj kaj unu malsukceso, The Hague: Universala Ligo, 1958, p. 71.

  110. 110.

    Privat (1963), p. 97.

  111. 111.

    Letter to Abbé Ricard, 5 June 1923; according to Huber (1973), p. 84. See also Pierre Hirsch & Tazio Carlevaro, ‘Gonzague de Reynold kaj Esperanto’, Monata Cirkulero, Kultura Centro Esperantista (La Chaux-de-Fonds), 1976, 78: 1–9; Künzli (2006), pp. 621–6.

  112. 112.

    Cf. Ivo Lapenna, ‘The common language question before international organizations’, La Monda Lingvo-Problemo 2 (1970): 83–102 (esp. p. 98). The ‘need for direct communication between uneducated or imperfectly educated individuals in different countries’ was also denied by a report (30 December 1921) of the Committee on an International Language of the American Philological Association. Since such communication should be ‘through leaders and representatives’, the ‘real desideratum’, according to the report, was for a language ‘which will satisfy the intellectual and aesthetic demands of educated people of every land, and that language can hardly be any but Latin’ (Proceedings of the American Philological Association 52 [1921]: xiii).

  113. 113.

    Quoted by Privat, ‘Esperanto ĉe la Ligo’, p. 59.

  114. 114.

    Privat (1927/1982), vol. 2, p. 146.

  115. 115.

    Quoted by Privat, ‘Esperanto ĉe la Ligo’, p. 59.

  116. 116.

    F.P. Walters, A Hist ory of the League of Nations, London: Oxford University Press, 1960, vol. 1, p. 193. The Commission’s significance was diminished in 1926 when its executive organ became the Paris-based International Institute for Intellectual Collaboration, with financial support from France; its first director was Julien Luchaire. In 1946 it was replaced by UNESCO.

  117. 117.

    We should note that, behind the scenes, the British government also sought to avoid an expression of official support for Esperanto by the League: Huber (1973), pp. 87–90; Hilary Chapman, ‘The British Government’s view of Edmond Privat and the League of Nations’, EAB Update, 2009, 46 (July–Sep.): 7–8, 10. The educational authorities in Britain were more favorably disposed towards Esperanto, while the ministry of foreign affairs was completely opposed: Haimin Wung-Sung (2011), p. 38.

  118. 118.

    Contre l’octroi, p. 7; cf. Panchasi (2009), p. 155.

  119. 119.

    Letter to Abbé Ricard, 5 June 1923; quoted in Huber (1973), p. 100. In his memoirs, de Reynold writes that the Commission, while still barely established, experienced ‘the attack of total utopians and integral internationalists, namely the Esperantists’: G. de Reynold (1963), Mes mémoires, Tome 3: Les cercles concentriques, Geneva: Éditions Générale, p. 452. After the Second World War (in which he favored a victory by Hitler) de Reynold continued his agitation against Esperanto.

  120. 120.

    Edmond Privat, ‘Idealo kaj realigo’, Esperanto 18 (1922): 121.

  121. 121.

    See Bon voisinage. Edmond Privat et Romain Rolland. Lettres et documents présentés et annotés par Pierre Hirsch, Neuchâtel & Paris: A la Baconnière & Albin Michel, 1977; Edmond Privat, Vivo de Gandhi, La Laguna: J. Régulo, 1967.

  122. 122.

    See Die Wahrheit ins Ausland durch Esperanto. Stimmen des Auslands über den Krieg, Leipzig: Ortsverband der Leipziger Esperantogruppen, 1915. From November 1914 to January 1919, 60 issues of Internacia Bulteno, the ‘German newsletter on the war’, were published by the German Esperanto Service in Berlin.

  123. 123.

    Albert Steche, Die Bedeutung der Welthilfssprache ‘Esperanto’ für das deutsche Volk in Krieg und Frieden, Leipzig: Ortsverband der Leipziger Esperanto-Gruppen, 1915, p. 23.

  124. 124.

    Zimmermann (1915), pp. 14–15.

  125. 125.

    Cited in Guérard (1922), pp. 185–7.

  126. 126.

    Albert Steche, ‘Der Siegeszug des Esperanto’, Leipziger Tageblatt, 4 and 5 April 1914; quoted from the pamphlet with the same title, Leipzig, n.d., p. 7 (emphases in the original).

  127. 127.

    Steche was vice president of the Union of Saxon Industrialists (1905–20) and a member of the Saxon parliament (1909–18). He also served as a member of the board of the Hansa League, an influential alliance founded in 1909 by industrialists opposed to the influence of extreme conservatives in German political and economic life.

  128. 128.

    Steche (1922), p. 20.

  129. 129.

    Edmond Privat, ‘La 15 Decembro 1859’, Esperanto 17 (1921): 201. In 1924, the 16th World Congress of Esperanto in Vienna unanimously accepted a resolution declaring that ‘the congress is in no sense a bourgeois or workers’ congress, but a neutral congress of Esperantists of all classes’: Esperanto 20 (1924): 148.

  130. 130.

    F. Leuschner, ‘Wir und die Bürgerlichen’, Der Arbeiter-Esperantist 8 (1922), 9: 10.

  131. 131.

    Steche (1922), p. 20.

  132. 132.

    Paul Bennemann, ‘Das Esperanto und die Schulbehörden’, Das Esperanto ein Kulturfaktor, vol. 8. Festschrift anlässlich des 17. Deutschen Esperanto-Kongresses, Berlin: Deutscher Esperanto-Bund, 1928, p. 55.

  133. 133.

    See Vilmos Benczik, ‘Julio Baghy, mitoj kaj realo’, Sennacieca Revuo, 1969, 97: 42–52; Marjorie Boulton, Poeto fajrakora. La verkaro de Julio Baghy, Saarbrücken: Iltis, 1983.

  134. 134.

    See Teo Jung’s memoirs: Jung (1979).

  135. 135.

    Polizeipräsidium Leipzig, Esperantosprachliche Dienststelle, den 22. Februar 1924. Jürgen Hamann kindly made available the photo reproduction of this and other material now preserved in the Staatsarchiv, Leipzig.

  136. 136.

    Cf. Otto Bässler, ‘Fortschrittliche Traditionen’, Der Esperantist 2 (1966), 5/6 (Apr./May): 33–4.

  137. 137.

    Sennaciulo 4 (1927/28): 149; 5 (1928/29): 258, 456.

  138. 138.

    Ĝivoje (1965), chap. 8.

  139. 139.

    Sennaciulo 2 (1925/26), 27 (79): 4.

  140. 140.

    Sennaciulo 2 (1925/26), 35 (87): 6.

  141. 141.

    Sennaciulo 1 (1924/25), 41: 8.

  142. 142.

    Mine Yositaka, ‘Skizo pri la vivo de V. Eroŝenko’, in La tundro ĝemas. Verkoj de V. Eroŝenko, Toyonaka: Japana Esperanta Librokooperativo, 1980, pp. 69–70. Works by and about Eroshenko have been published in Esperanto, Japanese, Chinese, Ukrainian, and Russian. See also the chapter “Cosmopolitanism, Nationalism, and Colonial Hierarchy: Chinese Responses to Russell, Eroshenko, and Tagore”, in Xiaoqun Xu, Cosmopolitanism, Nationalism, and Individualism in Modern China: The Chenbao Fukan and the New Culture Era, 1918–1928, Lanham and others: Lexington Books, 2014, pp. 53–71 (esp. 62–71).

  143. 143.

    La Revuo Orienta 3 (1922): 162. The speaker was Sasaki Takamaru.

  144. 144.

    ‘El la verkaĵoj de f-ino K. Jamaguĉi’, La Verda Ombro 5 (1923): 11–12 (Japanese original).

  145. 145.

    Sennacieca Revuo 5 (1923/24), 6 (47): 12.

  146. 146.

    Esperanto 20 (1924): 51.

  147. 147.

    Ĝivoje (1965), chap. 9.

  148. 148.

    Pechan (1979), p.  90.

  149. 149.

    Rátkai (1985), p. 87.

  150. 150.

    Zoltán Barna & Ervin Fenyvesi, ‘Esperanto-movado dum la Konsilia Respubliko’, Hungara Vivo 19 (1979), 1: 10–11.

  151. 151.

    Rátkai (2010), p. 79.

  152. 152.

    EdE, p. 230.

  153. 153.

    Sennaciulo 2 (1925/26), 19 (71): 8.

  154. 154.

    Sennaciulo 1 (1924/25), 3: 6.

  155. 155.

    Nesta H. Webster, Secret Societies and Subversive Movements, 2nd edn., London: Boswell, 1924, p. 345.

  156. 156.

    Karl Vossler, Geist und Kultur in der Sprache, Heidelberg: Winter, 1925, pp. 187–8.

  157. 157.

    Bérard’s circular, Le Monde espérantiste 15 (1922), 3 (125): 18.

  158. 158.

    Inazo Nitobe, The Use and Study of Foreign Languages in Japan, Geneva: League of Nations, 1924, p. 26; reprinted in The Works of Inazō Nitobe, Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1972, vol. 4, p. 461.

  159. 159.

    Henri Barbusse, ‘Al la Internaciistoj’, Esperantista Laboristo 2 (1921), 2 (13): 3.

  160. 160.

    Protokolaro de la VIII-a Kongreso [of SAT] en Göteborg (Svedio), 14.–18. aŭgusto 1928, Leipzig: SAT, 1928, p. 57.

  161. 161.

    ‘Grava danĝero’, Pola Esperantisto 17 (1923): 81–3 (quotation p. 83).

  162. 162.

    Baroko, ‘Sub verda mantelo’, Pola Esperantisto 18 (1924): 33.

  163. 163.

    L. Kökény, ‘Intervjuo kun s-ano Tieder, prezidanto de HESL’, Hungara Heroldo 3 (1930), 7: 6.

  164. 164.

    Decree no. 9607 of 10 April 1928; quoted in Sennaciulo 4 (1927/28): 301. See also p. 285; and ‘Reakcio kaj mondlingvo’, La Socialisto 3 (1928):  64–5. The decree was evidently influenced by Bérard’s circular: Esperanto 24 (1928): 130.

  165. 165.

    Quoted in Ĝivoje (1965), chap. 12.

  166. 166.

    In the town of Tótkomlós in 1927, mentioned by social democratic deputies during parliamentary debate, quoted in EdE, p. 230.

  167. 167.

    Mentioned during the annual meeting of the Esperantist Workers Society of Hungary (HESL: Hungaria Esperantista Societo Laborista), 23 March 1930: Sennaciulo 6 (1929/30), p. 321.

  168. 168.

    Antaŭen (organ of HESL), 1929, April/May: 18; cf. Sennaciulo 5 (1928/29): 364; quoted also in EdE, p. 230.

  169. 169.

    Esperanto 25 (1929): 75.

  170. 170.

    EdE, p. 548.

  171. 171.

    Adolf Sproeck, ‘Esperantobewegung und Faschismus’, La Socialisto 7 (1932), 10: 3.

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    Ulrich Lins

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Lins, U. (2016). War and Its Aftermath. In: Dangerous Language — Esperanto under Hitler and Stalin. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54917-4_2

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