Abstract
The lobbying industry is frequently held out as the most unethical part of the American political system, corrupting the governing system for the benefit of special interests at the expense of the public interest and thus in need of stern regulation, if lobbying is permitted at all. But what does it mean for a lobbyist to be “unethical,” or “ethical” for that matter? Is there such a thing as ethical lobbying? In this paper, I argue that theoretical models of how lobbying works and constitutional protections of the profession, taken together, provide a foundation for determining what kinds of lobbying might be considered ethical, and why lobbyists frequently slide into ethical gray areas. I then use data from interviews conducted with lobbyists working on six issues over a period of four years to empirically test explanations as to why lobbyists might behave in ways that are arguably unethical. Finally, I end the paper by speculating on what might be done to constrain lobbyists into behaving ethically.
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Notes
More precisely, Abramoff and his firm were hired by the Louisiana Coushatta Indian nation, which operated a casino in Louisiana, to lobby against alleged efforts by the state of Texas to allow another Indian nation to open a casino in Texas near the border dividing the two states, thus creating competition for the Louisiana Coushatta’s casino. Abramoff actually ended up lobbying for casino gambling in Texas to simultaneously be paid by another Indian nation (Continetti 2006).
Both the American League of Lobbyists and the American Society of Association Executives tried to create cannon of ethics, but neither caught on (Dwoskin 2012).
I make no explicit assumptions regarding the shape of the distribution of group member of employer preferences for policy outcomes. I use the normal distribution in Fig. 1 simply because it is familiar and thus the easiest way to make my point.
The three policy domains conform to Lowi’s (1964) classic typology. Agriculture policy often matches Lowi’s description of a distributive policy arena, while environmental policy often is redistributive and banking often is regulatory.
Of these eighty-three lobbyists, five were hired from private lobbying firms to represent the interest group on the particular issue. The other lobbyists were all permanent employees of the organization.
This would be 332 observations, but several unclear answers to questions about what lobbyists actually did on some policy proposals required me to delete 51 observations, so N = 281.
This was either sponsorship or co-sponsorship of the observed bill or, in the case of an administrative rule, a bill supporting or attacking it.
These data are square-rooted because a few budgets were very large, skewing the overall data.
This simple probit model was not my first choice. Elsewhere I have argued that lobbyists are embedded in larger environments with many cross-pressures (Holyoke 2015b). Consequently, while my observations are individual lobbyists, pressures at higher levels of analysis also ought to be considered. I therefore estimated my data using a hierarchical model incorporating both fixed and random effects. However, the likelihood ratio test to reject the null hypothesis that the simpler model was inadequate failed to be significant. So I use the simple probit model.
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Holyoke, T.T. A theoretical foundation for assessing principal-agent problems in lobbying ethics and an empirical test. Int Groups Adv 6, 272–289 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41309-017-0022-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41309-017-0022-0