Abstract
This chapter problematises the stereotypical representation of gay affluence and examines the system of oppression created at the crossroads between homelessness and homophobia. The authors argue that homeless people in Croatia and in the wider region are hardly ever recognised as sexual beings, which is a practice that particularly discriminates against those with a non-heterosexual identification. This chapter shows that LGBT activist groups still have not sufficiently considered the intersection between homelessness and non-heterosexuality, which is occluded by the widespread insistence upon access to marriage or civil partnership for non-heterosexual people. Social workers do not seem to be, for the time being, sufficiently sensitised to dealing with LGBT homeless persons and their specific concerns, which further complicates their possibilities for using the social service system.
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Notes
- 1.
McDermott (2014) claims that in the contemporary US American context, high-earning gay couples are more likely to report their sexual orientation to a census taker than low-earning couples. This means that in national surveys, wealthier people can be overrepresented as non-heterosexuals.
- 2.
Research done by UCLA’s Williams Institute in 2014 found, for example, that more than 1 in 4 LGBT adults (29 per cent, approximately 2.4 million people) did not have enough money to feed themselves or their family during the year preceding report publication. It was also noted that rates of food insecurity are higher for LGBT adults than non-LGBT adults across gender, age, racial/ethnic, and education level groups. All in all, LGBT adults are 1.7 times more likely than their non-LGBT counterparts to not have had enough money to feed themselves or their family (Gates, 2014). In 2010, gay men, aged between 18 and 44, were found to have a poverty rate of 20.5 per cent in comparison to 15.3 per cent for straight men. For lesbians, the poverty rate was even higher (22.7 per cent, compared to 21 per cent for heterosexual women, McDermott, 2014).
- 3.
Thus, for example, the third Montenegro Pride, which took place on 13 December 2015, in Podgorica, Montenegro, urged the government to pass the registered partnership law (Vijesti, 2015). However, the discrepancy between legal advancement and social acceptance of non-heterosexuality in the post-Yugoslav space is probably most visible in the case of Slovenia, where a referendum on 20 December 2015, overturned the law passed by the Parliament in March 2015 which gave same-sex couples the right to marry and adopt children (Novak, 2015).
- 4.
For example, according to the 2002 census, 83% of households in Serbia were owned by their tenants. Only 2% of the population rent publicly owned flats, around 4% rent privately owned flats, while 6% share flats with their relatives (Petrović & Timotijević, 2013).
- 5.
Both poverty and homelessness are difficult to define unequivocally given that their definitions often imply value judgements (Družić Ljubotina, 2012a, 2012b). By reviewing existing definitions of homelessness, the European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless (FEANTSA), developed a European Typology of Homelessness and Housing Exclusion (ETHOS) in an effort to cover all living situations that amount to homelessness across Europe. These are rooflessness (without a shelter of any kind, sleeping rough), houselessness (with a place to sleep but temporary in institutions or shelter), living in insecure housing (threatened with severe exclusion, eviction, domestic violence) and living in inadequate housing (in caravans on illegal campsites, in unfit housing, in extreme overcrowding).
- 6.
Some forms of social assistance were possible before the passing of this law for those who had a registered address within the Croatian county in which assistance was sought. For those who did not have an address, assistance was offered by religious or humanitarian organisations (Šikić Mićanović, 2010).
- 7.
This national research on homelessness in Croatia included 20 women and 65 men whose average age was 50–52 years. Their average duration of homelessness was 3.8 years for women and 6.7 years for men. Almost all of them were employed before becoming homeless and, in spite of common health problems, only 60% had health insurance. While the majority had either elementary or secondary education, only 9% were computer literate (Šikić Mićanović, 2010).
- 8.
Similarly, while the Serbian Constitution guarantees human and minority rights in accordance with international legal regulation, it does not explicitly refer to the right to housing (Timotijević, 2012). However, in 2012 the government adopted the so-called National Strategy for Social Housing, which aims at reducing homelessness through new social housing and clearly defined minimal housing standards (Lice ulice, 2014). According to the data obtained in the 2011 census, there are in Serbia 18,287 people without an address, but it cannot be precisely established how many of them are houseless/homeless (Đorđević, 2014).
- 9.
For the Serbian context, see Nadlanu (2014).
- 10.
- 11.
Homelessness is a particularly serious problem for the transgender population, which can be excluded from shelter systems due to gender non-conformity. Transgender people may not be welcome in all-women or all-men shelters, because of which they are more exposed to risks in the street (Mottet & Ohle, 2006; Spicer et al., 2010). What is more, homeless transgender youth may be discriminated against even in supposedly gay-friendly enclaves. Thus, Reck (2009) found that in San Francisco’s Castro District, they experienced invisibility, police and community harassment, sexualisation, and commodification. See also Hodžić, Poštić and Kajtezović, this volume.
- 12.
Kruks (1991, p. 517) argues that “the gay youth is usually totally alone with his or her gay/lesbian feelings, whether it is a secret or not, and is unable to get support from anyone. It is often on the streets that many of these gay youths find, for the first time, peer acceptance and support”. Long-term exposure to stigma and victimisation often leads to feelings of hopelessness and low self-esteem that elevate the risk for depression and suicidality (McLaughlin et al., 2012).
- 13.
These may include separation from the partner while using the shelter system, being mandated into treatments for drug or drinking problems, not being eligible for public housing reserved for families, etc (Hollibaugh, 2001, online).
- 14.
It has been argued, however, that, in contrast to gay men, lesbians have not been the focus of commodification tendencies because they are not generally perceived as economically powerful (Sears, 2005).
- 15.
As Hollibaugh (2001, online) argues: “No wonder the gay movement can’t see the poverty in its midst. The one thing this culture longs for and seems to value in queer life is the image of wealth. It appears to be the only thing we do right. And it is the only piece of our queerness that we can use when our citizenship is at stake”.
- 16.
First author’s interview with Neven Rauk took place in July 2014, while the interviews and electronic correspondence with NGO activists and political party representatives took place throughout 2014 and 2015. All of the participants were explained the purpose of the research and agreed to have excerpts of their interviews or electronic correspondence published in this volume.
- 17.
The Centres for Social Welfare in Croatia are public institutions that offer and decide eligibility for social services to particularly vulnerable groups of citizens, including children without parents or parental support, children with developmental difficulties, people with disabilities, victims of domestic violence, and people living in poverty or with another condition that prevents them from meeting their basic needs. The activities of such Centres are guided by the Social Assistance Law passed in 2012.
- 18.
Frustrated by the referendum initiative spearheaded by the organisation On Behalf of the Family, Neven visited the Constitutional Court of Croatia to file a complaint, claiming that the referendum was not constitutional and that it made him feel discriminated against as a citizen (Barukčić, 2013; Šošić, 2014). However, according to the law, complaints filed by individual citizens could not have legal value in that particular stage of the referendum procedure (Šu, 2013).
- 19.
Regarding the relationship between homelessness and non-heterosexuality in Serbia, Dragoslava Barzut, an activist of the lesbian group Labris, said that her organisation is occasionally contacted by non-heterosexual people without permanent housing. “Labris, as an organisation devoted to LBT rights faces the problem of many homeless LBT women. Women who are not economically empowered are probably the most disadvantaged group and the state does not have a strategy that would offer a systematic solution. Thus, such women are mostly left to themselves. We have not up to now had a project that would specifically address the issue of homelessness. There are organisations that assist migrants, Roma people and other minorities, but there is no organisation that would have tackling the issue of homelessness as its specific mission. The need for such an organisation exists and will be greater in the future.” (Dragoslava Barzut, personal communication, 2015).
- 20.
Lesbian group Kontra is a non-governmental organisation devoted to the protection of human rights of lesbians and bisexual women. It was founded in the summer of 1997, but legally registered in 2002.
- 21.
A model for this kind of initiative could be the Albert Kennedy Trust, which has offices in London, Manchester, and Newcastle and supports LGBT homeless 16–25 year olds.
- 22.
In Belgrade, the organisation Lice ulice (The face of the street) has been since 2010 publishing a magazine that is sold by homeless people, who earn 50% of every copy sold (see Lice ulice, 2014). This is a programme of direct support to marginalised groups with the aim of increasing their economic, cultural, and social inclusion. However, Lice ulice still has not engaged with homeless persons identifying as non-heterosexual. As Miloslav Marinović (personal communication, 2015), the editor-in-chief of the magazine, states: “For the time being we do not have the capacity to offer that kind of support, but we would certainly like to offer counselling to this discriminated group, in the same way in which we do that for other groups. Anti-discrimination is our dominant preoccupation, both as a magazine and an NGO.” In Slovenia, the organisation Kralji ulice (The Kings of the Street), publishes the eponymous magazine, which has collected a series of anonymous accounts of LGBT homeless persons (Tanja Vuzem, personal communication, 2015). There are for the time being no similar initiatives in other post-Yugoslav states.
- 23.
ORaH (acronym of Održivi razvoj Hrvatske [Sustainable Development of Croatia]) is a green liberal political party founded in 2013. In the 2015 parliamentary elections, ORaH did not win any seats and remains the largest non-parliamentary party in Croatia.
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Marušić, A., Bilić, B. (2016). Nowhere at Home: Homelessness, Non-Heterosexuality, and LGBT Activism in Croatia. In: Bilić, B., Kajinić, S. (eds) Intersectionality and LGBT Activist Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59031-2_6
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