¹ Skidelsky, Robert, Oswald Mosley (London: Macmillan, 1975), 465–80Google Scholar. For more about Euphorion Books, see Macklin, Graham, Very Deeply Dyed in Black: Sir Oswald Mosley and the Resurrection of British Fascism after 1945 (London: I.B. Tauris, 2007), 135–6Google Scholar.

² Mulhall, Joe, British Fascism after the Holocaust: From the Birth of Denial to the Notting Hill Riots 1939–1958 (London: Routledge, 2020), 107CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ This does not mean that Mosley had completely underestimated the European dimension in the past. See the article ‘The World Alternative', which was published in the Fascist Quarterly in October 1936 and had been greatly appreciated by Adolf Hitler. See Macklin, Very Deeply Dyed in Black, 79.

⁴ Oswald Mosley, ‘The Extension of Patriotism. Union of Europe: The Idea of Kinship’, Mosley News Letter, Jan.–Feb. 1947, 1.

⁵ The Geman title was initially Die Alternative (1949), then Die Europäische Revolution (1950). It was edited by the Nazi Karl-Heinz Priester. See Macklin, Graham, Failed Führers: A History of Britain's Extreme Right (London: Routledge, 2017), 111Google Scholar.

⁶ Setta, Sandro, L'Uomo qualunque: 1944–1948 (Rome: Laterza, 1975)Google Scholar.

⁷ Macklin, Very Deeply Dyed in Black, 37, 101.

⁸ See ‘Liberty and the Home Office: Mosley Refused Passport Despite Health’, Mosley News Letter, June 1947.

⁹ Oswald Mosley, My Life (London: Nelson, 1968), 418–25.

¹⁰ Hierro, Pablo del, ‘The Neofascist Network and Madrid, 1945–1953: From City of Refuge to Transnational Hub and Centre of Operations’, Contemporary European History, 31, 2 (2022), 171–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ On the fascist networks before the Second World War see, at least, Arnd Bauerkämper and Grzegorz Rossolinski, Fascism without Borders: Transnational Connections and Cooperation between Movement and Regimes in Europe from 1918 to 1945 (New York, NY: Berghahn Books, 2017).

¹² Macklin, Very Deeply Dyed in Black, 101–13. On the origin of MSI and the re-emergence of fascism in Italy more generally, see Antonio Carioti, Gli orfani di Salò. Il “Sessantotto nero” dei giovani neofascisti nel dopoguerra, 1945–1951 (Milan: Mursia, 2008); Giuseppe Parlato, Fascisti senza Mussolini: le origini del neofascismo in Italia (Bologna: il Mulino, 2012); Nicola Tonietto, La genesi del neofascismo in Italia: dal periodo clandestino alle manifestazioni per Trieste italiana (Florence: Le Monnier, 2019). For a broader picture of the history of MSI, see Piero Ignazi, Il polo escluso: profilo del Movimento sociale italiano (Bologna: il Mulino, 1989) and Davide Conti, L'anima nera della Repubblica: storia del Msi (Rome: Laterza, 2013).

¹³ François Hourmant, Au pays de l'avenir radieux. Voyages des intellectuels français en URSS, à Cuba et en Chine populaire (Paris: Aubier, 2000), 11.

¹⁴ On the crucial role of travel in the process of the ‘construction of imagined collective identities’ see, for instance, John K. Walton, ‘Introduction’, in John W. Walton, ed., Histories of Tourism: Representation, Identity and Conflict (Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 2005), 7. On how reading and writing practices create and are reciprocally shaped by ‘interpretive communities’ see, at least, Stanley Fish, Is There a Text in This Class? The Authority of Interpretive Communities (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980).

¹⁵ However it is important to stress that historiography has paid attention to the practice of travel only recently. On the other hand, studies about the importance of the practice of reading are more consolidated. On travel and its political impact, see Daniel Roche, Humeurs vagabondes. De la circulation des hommes et de l'utilité des voyages (Paris: Fayard, 2003); Walton, Histories of Tourism and ‘Welcome to the Journal of Tourism History’, Journal of Tourism History, 1, 1 (2009), 1–6. See also some analyses of very interesting case studies, such as Christopher Endy, Cold War Holidays: American Tourism in France (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); Sasha D. Back, Tourism and Dictatorship: Europe's Peaceful Invasion of Franco's Spain (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006) and Anne Dulphy, Yves Léonard and Marie-Anne Matard Bonucci, eds., Intellectuels, artistes et militants. Le voyage comme expérience de l’étranger (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2009). On the practice of reading, see, at least, Roger Chartier, ‘Texts, Printing, Readings’, in Lynn Hunt, ed., The New Cultural History, The New Cultural History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 154–75; Guglielmo Cavallo and Roger Chartier, Histoire de la lecture dans le monde occidental (Paris: Seuil, 1997); Robert Darnton, The Case for Books: Past, Present, Future (New York, NY: PublicAffairs 2009); Daniel Bellingradt and Jeroen Salman, ‘Books and Book History in Motion: Materiality, Sociality and Spatiality’, in Daniel Bellingradt, Paul Nelles and Jeroen Salman, eds., Books in Motion in Early Modern Europe: Beyond Production, Circulation and Consumption (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 1–11. More specifically on the political impact of the practice of reading, see, for example, Judith Lyon-Caen, La Lecture et la Vie. Les usages du roman au temps de Balzac (Paris: Tallandier, 2006) and Alberto Mario Banti, La nazione del Risorgimento: parentela, santità e onore alle origini dell'Italia unita (Turin: Einaudi, 2000).

¹⁶ On the political and cultural difficulties that fascists had to deal with at the end of the Second World War, see Roger Griffin, ‘Interregnum or Endgame? The Radical Right in the “Post-Fascist” Era’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 5 (2000), 165–6.

¹⁷ See, for example, Paul Hainsworth, ed., The Politics of the Extreme Right: From the Margins to the Mainstream (London: Pinter, 2000); Cas Mudde, The Ideology of Extreme Right (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002); Elisabeth Carter, The Extreme Right in Western Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005). On the Front National and its historical background see, at least, James Shields, The Extreme Right in France: From Pétain to Le Pen (London: Routledge, 2007). In addition, the historians who offered a global picture of the history of extreme-right and fascist parties have generally not paid a great deal of attention to the immediate post-war period. See Piero Ignazi, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003); Pierre Milza, L'Europe en chemise noire: les extrêmes droites en Europe de 1945 à nos jours (Paris: Fayard, 2004); Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, eds., Les droites extrêmes en Europe (Paris: Seuil, 2015) and Damir Skenderovic, The Radical Right in Switzerland. Continuity and Change, 1945–2000 (New York, NY: Berghahn Books, 2009).

¹⁸ Angelo Del Boca and Mario Giovana, I ‘figli del sole’. Mezzo secolo di nazifascismo nel mondo (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1965) and Joseph Algazy, La tentation néo-fasciste en France de 1944 a 1965 (Paris: Fayard, 1984).

¹⁹ Tonietto, La genesi del neofascismo in Italia, and Mulhall, British Fascism after the Holocaust.

²⁰ Gerald Steinacher, Nazis on the Run: How Hitler's Henchmen Fled Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011); Nicolas Lebourg, Les Nazis ont-ils survécus? Enquête sur les internationales fascistes et les croisés de la race blanche (Paris: Seuil, 2019).

²¹ Del Hierro, The Neofascist Network and Madrid, 172.

²² See, for instance, Martin Durham and Margaret Power, eds., New Perspectives on the Transnational Right (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); Matteo Albanese and Pablo del Hierro ‘A Transnational Network: The Contact between Fascist Elements in Spain and Italy, 1945–1968’, Politics, Religion & Ideology, 15, 1 (2014), 82–102; Andrea Mammone, Transnational Neofascism in France and Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015); Pauline Picco, Liaisons dangereuses: les extrêmes droites en France et en Italie (1960–1984) (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2016); Johannes Dafinger and Mortiz Florin, eds., A Transnational History of Right-Wing Terrorism: Political Violence and the Far Right in Eastern and Western Europe since 1900 (London: Routledge, 2022).

²³ Galadriel Ravelli, ‘Strategies of Survival: Reviving the Neo-Fascist Network through a Transnational Magazine’, European History Quarterly, 52, 1 (2022), 67. However, we should never forget that transnationalism is also an imperfect methodological approach, as pointed out by Nancy L. Green, The Limits of Transnationalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2019).

²⁴ Ravelli, ‘Strategies of Survival’, 65–86.

²⁵ Martin Durham, ‘White Hands across the Atlantic: The Extreme Right in Europe and the United States’, in Durham and Power, eds., New Perspectives on the Transnational Right, 149–69.

²⁶ Barbara H. Rosenwein and Riccardo Cristiani, What Is the History of Emotions? (Cambridge: Polity Press 2018), 4. See also Barbara H. Rosenwein, ‘Worrying about Emotions in History’, American Historical Review, 107, 3 (2002), 821–45 and H. Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006).

²⁷ Despite the fact that Barbara H. Rosenwein looks sceptically at the category of emotional regimes conceived by William Reddy in The Navigation of a Feeling: A Framework for the History of Emotions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), I believe, as partially suggested by Rob Boddice, The History of Emotions (Manchester: Manchester University Press 2018), 79, that the two categories (namely emotional community and emotional regime) can be combined with each other.

²⁸ As suggested by Del Hierro, The Neofascist Network and Madrid, 4.

²⁹ That party continued to exist until the 1990s, as attested by Lena Berggren, ‘Swedish Fascism – Why Bother?’, Journal of Contemporary History, 37, 3 (2002), 400. On the Malmö meeting see Report n. 486/21, 16 July 1951, Ministère des Affaires étrangeres – Direction des Archives (Minister of the Foreign Affairs, Direction of Archives, Paris; FR MAE), 205 QOSUP/3.

³⁰ Philip Rees, ed., Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right since 1890 (Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990), 328 and Macklin, Very Deeply Dyed in Black, 107. Soon afterwards, the Federal Republic of Germany banned Richter's party. See Ignazi, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe, 64.

³¹ The French delegation also included Victor Barthélemy who, in the 1930s, had been a member of Doriot's French Popular Party (Parti Populaire Français) and even became the party secretary in Nice. See Lebourg, Les Nazis ont-ils survécus?, 118.

³² Maurice Bardèche, Lettre à François Mauriac (Paris: La Pensée libre, 1947) and Nuremberg ou la Terre promise (Paris: Les Sept Couleurs, 1948).

³³ Dossier Mouvement Socialiste d'Unité française, 30 Dec. 1948, Les Archives Nationales (The National Archives of France; AN), Papiers des chefs de l'Etat. IVe République (1947–1959), 4AG/76.

³⁴ See Report 'Italian Social Movement', 2 Aug. 1952, TNA, KV 3/267. While, according to the French authorities’ report (n. 486/21, 16 July 1951, FR MAE, 205QOSUP/3), instead of Berti the representative of the Centre of European Studies would have been Armando Stefani. The various lists of those who took part in the convention offered by a wide variety of intelligence services are incoherent (and thus not completely accurate), but they nevertheless suggest that a good number of spies were able to penetrate the fascist network.

³⁵ This was an extremely ambiguous concept which would have divided fascists between those who theorised a Europe capable of acting as a third force in a geopolitical scenario in which the United States and the Soviet Union were opposed, and those who, in order to defeat communism, were prepared to ally themselves with the Americans despite the fact that they had materially contributed to the fall of fascist regimes.

³⁶ The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), for example, had no doubt that the ESM was ‘neo-fascist in orientation and its leadership’. See ‘Attachment B’, FOIA, CIA-RDP78-00915R000400120004-0.

³⁷ Lebourg, Les Nazis ont-ils survécus?, 127–8. On Amaudruz, see Damir Skenderovic and Luc van Dongen, ‘Gaston-Armand Amaudruz, pivot et passeur européen’, in Olivier Dard, ed., Doctrinaires, vulgarisateurs et passeurs des droites radicales au XX siècle (Europe-Amériques) (Bern: Peter Lang, 2012), 211–30 and Skenderovic, The Radical Right in Switzerland, 279–83.

³⁸ Macklin, Failed Führers, 317.

³⁹ See a report of Flockhart's letter addressed to Mieville, 21 May 1949, TNA, KV 3/42. On UM, see, at least, Nicholas Hilmann, ‘“Tell me chum, in case I got it wrong. What was it we were fighting during the war?”: The Re-emergence of British Fascism, 1945–58’, Journal of Contemporary British History, 15, 4 (2001), 1–34.

⁴⁰ Tonietto, La genesi del neofascismo in Italia, 171.

⁴¹ Skidelsky, Mosley, 493 and Macklin, Very Deeply Dyed in Black, 37.

⁴² Report, 14 Jan. 1948, TNA, KV 3/42.

⁴³ Note on Sir Oswald Mosley's attraction to fascists in Italy, 6 Jan. 1948, TNA, KV 3/42.

⁴⁴ Also indicative of the limited resources available to Mosley at the time is his later decision to entrust the translation of The Alternative to figures who, at least apparently, had neither an important role in the Italian fascist community nor as contributors to publishing houses, and who proved to be less than punctual in fulfilling their commitments. See, for example, the letter from Franco Boni to Desmond Stewart, 12 Jan. 1948, TNA, KV 3/42.

⁴⁵ Hourmant, Au pays de l'avenir radieux, 13.

⁴⁶ Concetto Pettinato, ‘Mosley and Co.’, Il Meridiano d'Italia, 12 June 1949, 1, 4.

⁴⁷ Etro Pietro, ‘Difesa di Mosley e Co.’, Il Meridiano d'Italia, 26 June 1949, 4.

⁴⁸ Letter translated into English from Ambrogio Masciadri to Mosley, 22 Nov. 1948 and Call Tapping, 27 Nov. 1948, TNA, KV 3/42.

⁴⁹ He also had the opportunity to meet other MSI politicians, like Mirko Giobbe and Luigi Romersa. See Report of the Chief of Police to the Minister of Interior, 24 Aug. 1950, Archivio centrale dello Stato (Central Archive of the Italian State, ACS), Minister of Interior (MI), Gab., Ag., Fasc. correnti, 1950–52, b. 46, fasc. ‘Movimento fascista. Affari generali’.

⁵⁰ Norman J. W. Goda, Hitler's Shadow: Nazi War Criminals, U.S. Intelligence, and the Cold War (Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 2010), 53–9.

⁵¹ Lebourg, Les Nazis ont-ils survécus?, 115.

⁵² ‘La gioventù nazionale al I Congresso Europeo’, Il Meridiano d'Italia, 15 Oct. 1950.

⁵³ Rees, Biographical Dictionary, 303–4. On the presence of foreign delegates, see Macklin, Very Deeply Dyed in Black, 103–4. See also the Report of the Consul General of France in Naples, Mathieu Pasqualini (who, due to the presence at the congress of many Neapolitan fascists, mistakenly placed the event in Naples rather than Rome), 24 Oct. 1950, FR MAE, 193QO/197. However, it is interesting to note that Italian security sources overlooked the event, failing to grasp its highly political and subversive dimension, as can be seen from the Report of the Chief of the Police, 30 Oct. 1950, ACS, MI, Gab, Ag, Fasc. correnti, 1950–52, b. 46, fasc. ‘Movimento fascista. Affari generali’.

⁵⁴ Report, 26 Nov. 1951, ACS, MI, Gab, Ag, Fasc. correnti, 1950–2, b. 46, fasc. ‘Movimento fascista. Affari generali’.

⁵⁵ See Statuto Movimento italiano femminile – Fede e Famiglia, ACS, Mi, Gab., Ag. Fasc. permanenti, enti e associazioni (1944–66), b. 260, fasc. ‘Movimento italiano femminile – Fede e famiglia’. It is interesting to note how the Italian authorities themselves underestimated the MIFF, taking the content of the statute literally and thus judging it to be an ‘apolitical’ movement. See report of the Chief of the Police, 9 Sept. 1947 in ACS, Mi, Gab., Ag. Fasc. permanenti, enti e associazioni (1944–66), b. 260, fasc. ‘Movimento italiano femminile – Fede e famiglia’. In order to stress the importance of the links between the MIFF and the Vatican it is important to point out that one of the MIFF's leaders was Monsignor Mattei, who, at the same time, was the head of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, and that the MIFF's headquarters were located, at least in the Movement's first months, within the borders of the Vatican City. See Federica Bertagna, ‘Un'organizzazione neofascista nell'Italia postbellica: il Movimento italiano femminile “Fede e famiglia” di Maria Pignatelli di Cerchiara’, Rivista calabrese di storia del ‘900, 1 (2013), 5–32.

⁵⁶ Albanese and Del Hierro ‘A Transnational Network’, 88.

⁵⁷ Hugues Théorêt, The Blue Shirts: Adrien Arcand and Fascist Anti-Semitism in Canada (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2017), 11.

⁵⁸ The contents of Arcand's interview, which was published in several parts by the Montréal Gazette on 22, 24 and 25 Feb. 1947, were largely resumed by ‘The International of Anti-Democracy’, The Wiener Library Bullettin, 3–4 (1947), 12.

⁵⁹ See, for instance, Lebourg, Les Nazis ont-ils survécus?, 101–2.

⁶⁰ Ibid., 102.

⁶¹ Yockey in turn started an international organisation known as the European Liberation Front. See Mulhall, British Fascism after the Holocaust, 109.

⁶² On José Antonio Primo de Rivera's legacy, see Miguel Angel Perfecto, ‘La mémoire imposée du franquisme. Le Mythe de José Antonio Primo de Rivera et l’école nationale-catholique’, in Olivier Dard, ed., Références et thèmes des droites radicales au XX siècle (Europe-Amériques) (Bern: Peter Lang, 2015), 57–82. Primo de Rivera was broadly commemorated by fascists in the post-war period, as attested by the many articles that appeared in the UM's magazine The Union; see, for example, ‘José Antonio: Leader and Patriot’, 22 Nov. 1952, 2.

⁶³ Albanese and Del Hierro, A Transnational Network and Del Hierro, The Neofascist Network and Madrid.

⁶⁴ Richard Thurlow, ‘State Management of the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s’, in Mike Cronin, ed., The Failure of British Fascism: The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), 29–52; David Renton, Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and Britain in the 1940s (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000); Jon Lawrence, ‘Fascist Violence and the Politics of Public Order in Inter-War Britain: The Olympia Debate Revisited’, Historical Research, 76, 192 (2003), 238–67. Even Lionel Rose, the leader of one of the most important associations to denounce Mosley's re-emergence, the Association of Jewish Ex-Servicemen, admitted that, without the black shirts, the public meetings and marches organised by the fascists looked like a gathering of ordinary men. See Macklin, Very Deeply Dyed in Black, 51–2.

⁶⁵ The announcements and itineraries of the trips are easily traceable by scrutinising the fascist magazines. See, for instance, ‘Visit to Spain’, The Union, 21 Nov. 1953, 3 and ‘Vacances en Espagne’, Défense de l'Occident, May 1953.

⁶⁶ ‘Programma del Viaggio in Spagna’, Il Meridiano d'Italia 13 July 1952, 3.

⁶⁷ On the importance of the cult of martyrs for the fascist ideology and the extreme right more generally, see Francesco Germinario, L'estremo sacrificio e la violenza. Il mito politico della morte nella destra rivoluzionaria del Novecento (Trieste: Asterios, 2018) and Emilio Gentile, ‘Fascism as Political Religion’, Journal of Contemporary History, 25, 2–3 (1990), 229–51. On the continuities and discontinuities between the cult of martyred fascists before and after the turning point of 1945, see Amy King, ‘Antagonistic Martyrdom: Memory of the 1973 Rogo di Primavalle’, Modern Italy, 25, 1 (2020), 33–48.

⁶⁸ Albanese and Del Hierro, ‘A Transnational Network’, 89 and Tonietto, La genesi del neofascismo in Italia, 216.

⁶⁹ ‘Un giorno in Castiglia con la gioventù spagnola’, Meridiano d'Italia, 20 Feb. 1949, 3.

⁷⁰ Special Branch report, Metropolitan Police, 16 Aug. 1949, TNA, KV 3/42.

⁷¹ Pro-Mosley clubs came into being at least in Cambridge and Oxford, see Lionel Rose, Fascism in Britain. Factual Survey No. 1 (London 1948), 4.

⁷² Corporatist ideas were also widely disseminated through the Mosley News Letter, see Thomson's article ‘The Corporate State: They Live and Learn’, Dec. 1946–Jan. 1947.

⁷³ Gianfranceschi's luggage also contained the volume The Initiation by the founder of occultism, Rudolf Steiner, which had probably accompanied the Roman student on his trip, and the eight-page political manifesto of the FAR. Gianfranceschi might have distributed copies of this manifesto to British comrades and/or read key passages aloud.

⁷⁴ Etro Pietro's Letter to Raven Thomson, 29 Dec. 1950, TNA, KV 3/43.

⁷⁵ Martin Conway, Collaboration in Belgium: Léon Degrelle and the Rexist Movement 1940–1944 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993).

⁷⁶ See, at least, Christoph Brüll, ‘Léon Degrelle comme référence des droites radicales allemandes après 1945’, in Dard, Références et thèmes des droites radicales au XX siècle, 37–55.

⁷⁷ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Culture of Defeat: On National Trauma, Mourning, and Recovery (New York, NY: Metropolitan Books, 2003).

⁷⁸ In the case of France, the book was banned on 15 Nov. 1949. See Report of Direction de la Règlementation, AN, 19860581/8. The Swiss decision can be deduced from the article – in the same folder – signed by Pierre Beguin, ‘La manie des interdictions’, Gazette de Lausanne, 22 Feb. 1950.

⁷⁹ On Jean Jardin and more specifically on the ‘éditions du cheval ailé’ (also known as ‘A l'enseigne du cheval ailé’), of which, however, a more detailed analysis is required, see Pierre Assouline, Une éminence grise: Jean Jardin (1904–1976) (Paris: Folio, 2007), 261–4.

⁸⁰ Alain Clavien, ‘Les intellectuels collaborateurs exilés en Suisse’, Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps, 67 (2002), 87. On Switzerland and its role in harbouring many collaborationists, see Luc van Dongen, Un purgatoire très discret. La transition ‘helvétique’ d'anciens nazis, fascistes et collaborateurs après 1945 (Paris: Perrin, 2008).

⁸¹ La Campagne de Russie was printed by the Imprimerie Crété in the Paris suburbs, while La Cohue de 1940 was printed by the Imprimerie de la Plaine du Rhone S.A. in Aigle on 31 Dec. 1949.

⁸² See Pierre Beguin, ‘La Manie des Interditions’, Gazette de Lausanne, 22 Feb. 1950. The article was unearthed in AN, 19860581/8 and is very interesting because it shows how not all of Swiss society welcomed such measures. In the opinion of the journalist, the Swiss Confederation should have persisted with the democratic approach demonstrated by the willingness to allow the circulation of other texts, including Hitler's Mein Kampf, the aforementioned memoirs of Pierre Laval and the diaries of Galeazzo Ciano.

⁸³ Report Service des Renseignement généraux, 26 Apr. 1950, AN, 19860581/8.

⁸⁴ 30 May 1950, AN, 19860581/8.

⁸⁵ Report of Direction des Renseignement généraux, 30 Aug. 1950, AN, 19860581/8.

⁸⁶ The Union, 3 Jan. 1953, 4. On Rudel, see Martin A. Lee, The Beast Reawakens: Fascism's Resurgence from Hitler's Spymasters to Today's Neo-Nazi Groups and Right-Wing Extremists, (Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company, 1997) 110–17.

⁸⁷ Défense de l'Occident, Oct. 1953. On Evola, see Elisabetta Cassina Wolff, ‘Evola's Interpretation of Fascism and Moral Responsibility’, Patterns of Prejudice, 50, 4–5 (2016), 478–94.

⁸⁸ On Bardèche's role in the renewal of fascist ideology, see, at least, Ian Barnes, ‘A Fascist Trojan Horse: Maurice Bardèche, Fascism and Authoritarian Socialism’, Patterns of Prejudice, 37, 2 (2003), 177–94 and Shields, The Extreme Right in France, 99–103.

⁸⁹ Alain de Benoist, ed., Bibliographie générale des droites françaises, Vol. 3 (Paris: Dualpha, 2005), 601.

⁹⁰ Ibid., 602. On Longanesi, see Raffaele Liucci, Leo Longanesi. Un borghese corsaro tra fascismo e Repubblica (Rome: Carrocci, 2016).

⁹¹ The circulation of the volume in Switzerland is attested to by ‘International Fascists on the Move’, Bullettin Wiener Library, Jan. 1950, 21. For a further investigation of Hans/Oehler see Walter Wolf, ‘Oehler, Hans’, in Dizionario storico della Svizzera (DSS), available at https://hls-dhs-dss.ch/it/articles/020368/2015-01-12/ (last accessed May 2022). See also Skenderovic, The Radical Right in Switzerland, 285.

⁹² Federico Finchelstein, The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War: Fascism, Populism, and Dictatorship in Twentieth Century Argentina (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 95. De Benoist, Bibliographie générale des droites françaises, 602.

⁹³ ‘Le livre de M. Bardeche saisi et poursuivi’, L'Aube, 21 Dec. 1948, in AN, 20080095/6.

⁹⁴ ‘Saluti a Maurice Bardèche’, Il Meridiano d'Italia, 4 Dec. 1949, 3.

⁹⁵ See the advertisements placed in Il Meridiano d'Italia, 11 Apr. 1948.

⁹⁶ ‘Norimberga Terra Promessa’, Il Meridiano d'Italia, 20 Feb. 1949.

⁹⁷ Christophe Bigot, Connaître la loi de 1881 sur la presse (Paris: Guide légipresse, 2004). The affair would continue until 1954 when the Court of Cassation first confirmed the sentence pronounced in the Court of Appeal in May 1952 of one year in prison and a large fine. Then, however, the President of the Republic René Coty intervened, granting a pardon to the author, who actually ended up serving only a few days in prison. See ‘Arrestation et liberation de Maurice Bardèche’, Défense de l'occident, Aug.–Sept. 1954. Shields, The Extreme Right in France, 57.

⁹⁸ Bardèche, Nuremberg II ou Les Faux Monnayeurs (Paris: Les Sept Couleurs, 1950), 9–10.

⁹⁹ See, at least for the Italian case study, Andrea Martini, ‘Defeated? An Analysis of Fascist Memoirist Literature and its Success’, Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 25, 3 (2020), 295–317.

¹⁰⁰ Valérie Igounet, Histoire du négationnisme en France (Paris: Seuil, 2000).

¹⁰¹ Bardèche, Nuremberg II, 25–6.

¹⁰² Giuseppe Pardini, Fascisti in democrazia. Uomini, idee, giornali (1946–1958) (Florence: Le Lettere, 2008), 89.

¹⁰³ ‘Norimberga II ovvero i falsi monetari’, Il Meridiano d'Italia, 25 Mar. 1951, 3.

¹⁰⁴ Gianni Scipione Rossi, La destra e gli ebrei. Una storia italiana (Soveria Mannelli: Rubettino, 2003).

¹⁰⁵ Kallis, Aristotle, ‘The Transnational Co-production of Interwar “Fascism”: On the Dynamics of Ideational Mobility and Localization’, European History Quarterly, 51, 2 (2021), 213CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ See, for example, Éric Anceau, Jacques-Olivier Boudon and Olivier Dard, eds., Histoire des Internationales, Europe, XIX–XX siècles (Paris: Nouveau Monde éditions, 2017).

¹⁰⁷ Mulhall, British Fascism, 136–65.

¹⁰⁸ Franco Ferraresi, Minacce alla democrazia. La Destra radicale e la strategia della tensione in Italia nel dopoguerra (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1995), 32.

¹⁰⁹ Lebourg, Les Nazis ont-ils survécus?, 95. At least formally, this aid was granted because of MIFF's charitable role, but it is reasonable to imagine that the Italian government was aware of MIFF's true purpose and that at least the more conservative wing of the main coalition partner, the Christian Democratic Party, had particular sympathy with the organisation's anti-communist orientation.

¹¹⁰ Guarasci, Roberto, La lampada e il fascio (Reggio Calabria: Laruffa editore, 1987), XXXIGoogle Scholar.

¹¹¹ Durham, ‘White Hands across the Atlantic’, 165.

¹¹² Macklin, Very Deeply Dyed in Black, 135.

¹¹³ Ibid., 137.

¹¹⁴ Paris: Les Sept Couleurs, 1961.

¹¹⁵ Picco, Liaisons dangereuses, 192, n. 34. The founder of the publishing house, Giovanni Volpe, was the son of the nationalist and pro-fascist historian Gioacchino Volpe. See Cossalter, F., Come nasce uno storico contemporaneo: Gioacchino Volpe tra guerra, dopoguerra, fascismo (Rome: Carocci, 2007)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Mammone, Transnational Neofascism in France and Italy, 97–9.

¹¹⁷ Pauline Picco, ‘Franco G. Freda: idéologue, éditeur, activiste’, in Dard, ed., Doctrinaires, vulgarisateurs et passeurs des droites radicales au XX siècle (Europe-Amériques), pp. 148–9. Bardèche's Holocaust-denying theories were reported in the 1963 pamphlet Manifesto del gruppo di Ar.

¹¹⁸ The most detailed reconstruction of the Piazza Fontana massacre is that of Tobagi, Benedetta, Piazza Fontana: il processo impossibile (Turin: Einaudi, 2019)Google Scholar. On the so-called Strategy of Tension, see, at least, Cento-Bull, Anna, Italian Neofascism: The Strategy of Tension and the Politics of Nonreconciliation (New York, NY: Berghan Books, 2008)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Picco, ‘Franco G. Freda’, 155.