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THE ‘IMPARTIALITY’ OF NARCISSUS LUTTRELL'S READING PRACTICES AND HISTORICAL WRITING, 1679–1710
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 June 2018
Abstract
This article explores the influence of ‘impartiality’ on reading practices, print culture, and historical writing in later Stuart Britain. It sheds new light on the most prolific collector of ‘cheap print’ during this period, Narcissus Luttrell (1657–1732), by assessing his reading practices in relation to the ideal of impartiality. Luttrell is analysed using his hitherto unstudied commonplace books and historical manuscript collection made in reaction to the Exclusion Crisis (1679–81) and the Glorious Revolution (1688). Their analysis demonstrates the way Luttrell used impartiality rhetorically to justify and express his whiggish judgement and interpretation of modern history. The article also highlights key continuities and differences between the early and later Stuart publics by connecting Luttrell to humanist rhetoric, earlier manuscript culture, and shifts in reading practices.
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- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018
Footnotes
I am extremely grateful to Chris Marsh for commenting on earlier versions of this work, and to Mark Knights for sharing his knowledge of Luttrell's collections. Many thanks also to the anonymous reviewers for their very helpful comments. Funding for this research was provided by the AHRC's Northern Bridge Doctoral Training Partnership. All pre-1800 works were published in London unless otherwise stated.
References
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15 John Sharp, ‘Ego this sermon on 28 June 1691’, Osborn b47 ii, fo. 41. See also William Hayley, ‘Sermon at St Gyles 26 April 1696 / Ego’, Osborn b47/iii, fo. 56.
16 Lambe, John, A sermon preach'd before the king at Kensington, January 13 (1695), p. 15Google Scholar, Osborn b321, fo. 622 (‘Wisdom’). Similar maxims are made at Osborn b321, fos. 64, 212.
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18 A letter out of the countrey, to a friend in the city (1695), p. 7, Osborn b321, fo. 116 (‘Controversy’),
19 LF, nos. 1966, 1339, 2375, 849, 782, 640, 402, 1421, 2786, 640, 3167, 1632, 2964.
20 See for example his comment on Edmund Hickeringill's The third part of Naked truth (1681), LF, no. 1345: ‘Showing how unchristian it is for you to persecute your dissenting brethren.’
21 Millstone, Noah, Manuscript circulation and the invention of politics in early Stuart England (Cambridge, 2016), pp. 2, 19CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘Designed for collection: early modern news and the production of history’, Media History, 23 (2017), pp. 177–98, at p. 178CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Colclough, David, Freedom of speech in early modern England (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 196–238Google Scholar; Love, Harold, The culture and commerce of texts: scribal publications in seventeenth-century England (Oxford, 1993), pp. 47, 79–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Daybell, James, The material letter in early modern England: manuscript letters and the culture and practices of letter-writing, 1512–1635 (Basingstoke, 2012), ch. 8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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23 Mendle, Michael, ‘Preserving the ephemeral: reading, collecting, and the pamphlet culture of seventeenth-century England’, in Anderson, Jennifer and Sauer, Elizabeth, eds., Books and readers in early modern England (Philadelphia, PA, 2002)Google Scholar. Both Luttrell and Anthony Wood annotated catalogues designed as being ‘Very useful for Gent[lemen]. that make collections’. See Francis, F. C., ed., Narcissus Luttrell's Popish Plot catalogues (New Haven, CT, 1956)Google Scholar; Kiessling, Nicholas K., The library of Anthony Wood (Oxford, 2002), p. 151Google Scholar.
24 Blair, Ann, ‘Reading strategies for coping with information overload ca. 1550–1700’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 64 (2003), pp. 11–28, at p. 13Google ScholarPubMed; Chartier, Roger, Inscription and erasure: literature and written culture from the eleventh to the eighteenth century, trans. Goldhammer, Arthur (Philadelphia, PA, 2007), pp. 114–15Google Scholar; Jackson, Ian, ‘Approaches to the history of readers and reading in eighteenth-century Britain’, Historical Journal, 47 (2004), pp. 1041–54, at p. 1050CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sherman, William H., Used books: marking readers in Renaissance England (Philadelphia, PA, 2010), p. xviGoogle Scholar.
25 Sharpe, Reading revolutions, pp. 181–2.
26 Knights, Representation and misrepresentation, p. 235; Johns, Adrian, The nature of the book (Chicago, IL, 1998), p. 357CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the earlier period, see Peacey, Jason, Print and public politics in the English Revolution (Cambridge, 2013), p. 58CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with references to impartiality at pp. 204, 395.
27 The great case put home in some modest queries humbly proposed (1681). This publication was commonplaced into University of Oxford, Codrington Library, All Souls College MS 135 (18) (hereafter All Souls). These commonplace books are unpaginated, so I have numbered entries in order of appearance.
28 Gilbert Burnet, A pastoral letter (1689), pp. 28–9; emphasis added, All Souls 134 (7, 92).
29 Goldie, ‘The Revolution of 1689’, p. 483.
30 Mack, Peter, Elizabethan rhetoric: theory and practice (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 28, 50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Peltonen, Markku, Rhetoric, politics and popularity in pre-revolutionary England (Cambridge, 2013), pp. 68–9, 134Google Scholar, and commonplacing contrary ideas at pp. 81–2; Anita Traninger, ‘Taking sides and the prehistory of impartiality’, in Murphy and Traninger, eds., The emergence of impartiality, pp. 33–64; Love, The culture and commerce of texts, p. 226.
31 Alford, Stephen, The early Elizabethan polity: William Cecil and the British succession crisis, 1558–1569 (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 17–18Google Scholar; Mack, Elizabethan rhetoric, p. 191. Another earlier example of note-taking in pro and con is in the manuscript miscellany of the godly minister Robert Horn (1596–1640). See Colclough, Freedom of speech, p. 224.
32 Peltonen, Rhetoric, p. 7.
33 Impartial thoughts upon the nature of humane soul, and some passages concerning it in the writings of Mr. Hobs and Mr. Collier … (1704), Osborn b321, fo. 106 (‘Confuting or Answering another’).
34 Luttrell's commonplace book was composed using such publications, including: a ‘short catechism in questions & answers. tract in 24. 1686’, Osborn b269, fo. 13; A papist misrepresented, and represented (1686) and its response, The papist represented and not misrepresented (1686), fo. 26; and a ‘popish tract’ titled A search into the grounds of religion (1686), fo. 13.
35 Folger Shakespeare Library, MS K.b.2.74.
36 A catechism truly representing the doctrines and practices of the Church of Rome, with an answer thereunto (1686), preface; emphasis added. Osborn b269, fos. 4, 8, 9, 11, 12, 16, 17–21.
37 Mack, Elizabethan rhetoric, p. 3; Peltonen, Rhetoric, p. 8. Luttrell's use of rhetoric is perhaps better suited to an earlier ‘post-Reformation public sphere’. See Lake, Peter and Pincus, Steven, ‘Rethinking the public sphere in early modern England’, Journal of British Studies, 45 (2006), pp. 270–92, at p. 275CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
38 Occasional Paper, no. 1 (1696), p. 5, Osborn b321, fo. 68 (‘Books’).
39 Goldie, ‘The Revolution of 1689’, pp. 473–564. The bibliography excludes material often used by Luttrell: periodicals, reprints, and all but three sermons.
40 Printed sermons could perform similar functions to cheap print in disseminating political debate. In 1681, sermons were said to be ‘as commonly cryed about the Streets’ as ballads. Edmund Hickeringill, The horrid sin of man-catching (1681). On Williamite sermon culture, see Claydon, Tony, William III and the godly revolution (Cambridge, 1996), p. 87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
41 All Souls 134 (54). Other titles include: Miscellaneous letters, giving an account of the works of the learned, both at home and abroad (1694–6), All Souls 134 (55); Weekly memorials: or, an account of books lately set forth, no. 2 (1689)Google Scholar, All Souls 134 (14). De Lacroze's journal was also used in Osborn b321, fos. 68, 370. Another learned journal he often used was Memoirs for the ingenious, or, the universal mercury, Osborn b321, fos. 34, 158, 468.
42 Luttrell's collection of forty-five half-sheets from 1688 to 1689 are annotated with these prices. BL, c.122.i.5.
43 Watt, Tessa, Cheap print and popular piety, 1550–1640 (Cambridge, 1991), p. 262Google Scholar.
44 Traninger, ‘Taking sides and the prehistory of impartiality’, p. 44.
45 In 1680, Luttrell described L'Estrange as one who had ‘writt many things (as he pretends) for his majesties service, but they have caused most violent animosities amongst his majesties subjects and will prove very destructive to the protestant interest’. Luttrell, A brief historical relation, i, p. 39, qu. from Knights, Mark, ‘Judging partisan news and the language of interest’, in McElligott, Jason, ed., Fear, exclusion and revolution: Roger Morrice and Britain in the 1680s (Aldershot, 2006), p. 211Google Scholar. See also Luttrell, A brief historical relation, i, pp. 120, 198.
46 By comparison, 72 per cent of the 192 pamphlets in Goldie's bibliography were pro-Revolution. See ‘The Revolution of 1689’, p. 484.
47 All Souls 134 (9, 48, 49, 97, 98, 110).
48 The first entry in All Souls 134, covering nearly nine pages, is from Burnet's An enquiry into the measures of submission to supream authority (1688). The Jacobite extracts barely fill a page. See Queries relateing to the present state of England (1689), All Souls 134 (18, 79). The ‘query’ as a print genre has not been studied thoroughly, but see Schwoerer, The ingenious Mr. Henry Care, p. 141; Knights, Representation and misrepresentation, pp. 167–8.
49 The French king's answer to Mons,Tyrconnel's letter (1690), All Souls 134 (99).
50 For the fear of French universal monarchy in Williamite propaganda, see Claydon, Tony, ‘Protestantism, universal monarchy and Christendom in William's war propaganda, 1689– 1697’, in Mijers, E. and Onnekink, D. et al. , eds., Redefining William III (Aldershot, 2007)Google Scholar; Pincus, Steven, 1688: the first modern revolution (New Haven, CT, 2009), p. 313Google Scholar.
51 Vallance, Edward, ‘The decline of conscience as a political guide: William Higden's view of the English constitution (1709)’, in Braun, Harald and Vallance, Edward, eds., Contexts of conscience in early modern Europe (Basingstoke, 2004), p. 78Google Scholar; Pincus, 1688, p. 463.
52 The Proceedings of the Old Bailey, Ref. No. t16891009–44, www.oldbaileyonline.org. Luttrell's commonplacing is the only known (partial) copy of this publication's text, which is no longer extant. All Souls 134 (57).
53 A letter to the authors of the answers to the case of allegiance due to sovereign princes (1691), p. 2.
54 For example, A dialogue betwixt whig and tory (1693), cited at Osborn b321, fo. 100, claimed to have ‘impartially made a Collection’ of arguments made by both sides (p. iii), although its motives were obviously partisan.
55 White Kennett, The wisdom of looking backward (1715), p. iii.
56 Love, Harold, ‘How music created a public’, Criticism, 46 (2004), p. 259CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sutherland, James, The restoration newspaper and its development (Cambridge 1986), p. 146CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For contrary arguments, see Knights, Representation and misrepresentation, p. 246; Jason McElligott, ‘1641’, in Raymond, ed., The Oxford history of popular print culture, i, p. 602.
57 John Rushworth, Historical collections (8 vols., London 1659–1701), i, preface. See also Raymond, ‘Exporting impartiality’, p. 143.
58 Loveman, Samuel Pepys, p. 117. Rushworth's influential reputation helps to explain why the Scottish book runner, James Fraser (1645–1731), preserved an unedited draft of the Historical collections covering January 1642 in a collection of manuscript ephemera related to later Stuart history. University of Aberdeen special collections, MS 3952/7.
59 All Souls 169, dated by Luttrell ‘1679/80’.
60 Cited at All Souls 169, p. 45. The proceeding petitions and answers between the Commons and James I from 1621 onward (pp. 45–112) match those reproduced in Rushworth's first volume of Historical collections.
61 Speeches at pp. 168–80 match those reproduced in Ephemeris parliamentaria, though Luttrell does not cite his sources here.
62 John Nalson, Impartial collections (2 vols., 1682). On Rushworth's and Nalson's political motivations, see Neufeld, Matthew, The Civil Wars after 1660: public remembering in late Stuart England (Woodbridge, 2013), pp. 97–101Google Scholar; Raymond, The invention of the newspaper, p. 272; Richardson, R. C., ‘Re-fighting the English Revolution’, in Social history, local history, and historiography: collected essays (Newcastle, 2011), ch. 5Google Scholar.
63 The same amanuensis hand used in ‘The Character of a Trimmer’, Osborn b46.
64 All Souls 155, fos. 54v–56v.
65 Love, The culture and commerce of texts, p. 81.
66 Osborn b321, fo. 60 (‘Authors’; ‘how yey pay yeir debts’). On this prejudice, see Johns, Nature of the book, p. 176.
67 Osborn b321, fo. 250 (‘History’).
68 Portsmouth continued to be vilified by whig publications showing the rise of popery at court. See The secret history of the dutchess of Portsmouth (1690).
69 All Souls 169, fo. 315. Similar self-censorship occurred in Luttrell's collection of manuscript newsletters compiled from 1678 to 1681, All Souls 171, discussed in Knights, ‘Judging partisan news’, p. 211.
70 For Luttrell's travel diary, see ‘Travells, 1677–1680’, Osborn b314.
71 The letters are at All Souls 171 and reproduced in Bernard, Stephen, ‘“Tonson's Remains”: the earliest letters of Jacob Tonson the Elder’, Eighteenth-Century Life, 35 (2011), pp. 188–207, at p. 194CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Tonson's and Luttrell's relationship is also evidenced by the bookseller's gift of John Dryden's Absalom and Achitophel, LF, no. 821: ‘Ex dono Amici Jacobi Tonson.’
72 These items touching on domestic affairs competed with government-sanctioned newsletters and the London Gazette, a newspaper confined to reporting on foreign affairs.
73 BL, MS Egerton 3329, fo. 57, qu. from Love, The culture and commerce of texts, pp. 20–1.
74 William Talbot, A sermon preach'd before the right honourable the lord mayor (1700), Osborn b321, fo. 214 (‘Foretelling Future things’).
75 Kewes, Paulina, ‘History and its uses’, in idem, ed., The uses of history in early modern England (San Marino, CA, 2006), pp. 25, 14Google Scholar; Loveman, Samuel Pepys, pp. 111–12.
76 Observations upon the tickling querie (1681), p. 1, All Souls 135 (17). This was evidently a charge that Luttrell felt compelled to defend himself against, given that questions over the use of historical parallels and precedents appear frequently in contrary arguments noted within All Souls 135. See A just and modest vindication of his royal highness the duke of York (1680), p. 7 (30); The great case put home in some modest queries, p. 13 (18); Of a coffee house dialogue or a discourse between Capt. Y & a barrister of the Temple (1681), p. 3 (24).
77 Prophesying had been condemned as early as The canons (1604). See Harris, Tim, Rebellion (London, 2013), p. 81Google Scholar.
78 Horwitz, ed., The parliamentary diary, p. xi.
79 Bibliotheca Smithiana, Maii die 15 (1682), pp. 385–6, BL, c.120.c.2 (Mic.619/547). He bought seven lots in total, only one of which was royalist themed.
80 Kenyon, J. P., The Popish Plot (London, 1972)Google Scholar. A view qualified in Hinds, ‘The horrid Popish Plot’.
81 Cambridge University Library (CUL), Sel.2.114–26. See Hopkins, Paul, ‘The Verney collection of Popish Plot pamphlets’, Bulletin of the Friends of Cambridge University Library, 9 (1988), pp. 5–15Google Scholar.
82 BL, Mic. M636/1–60. For letters beginning Jan. 1679/80, see M636/32.
83 This is especially prevalent on the elegies collected into CUL, Sel.2.126.
84 A catalogue of the names of all his majesties justices of the peace in commission (1680), CUL, Sel.2.119 (101).
85 Whyman, Susan, Sociability and power in late-Stuart England: the cultural worlds of the Verneys, 1660–1720 (Oxford, 1999), p. 66Google Scholar.
86 A vindication of the Lord Russell's speech and innocence, in a dialogue betwixt whig & tory (1683), p. 9, CUL, Sel.2.120 (81).
87 Oates's manifesto (1683), p. 22, CUL, Sel.2.120 (46); The last will and testament of Anthony king of Poland (1682), CUL, Sel.2.126 (86).
88 [John Nalson], The true Protestants appeal to the city and countrey (1681), CUL, Sel.2.118 (51).
89 Harris, Tim, Restoration: Charles II and his kingdoms, 1660–1685 (London, 2006), ch. 4Google Scholar; Knights, Politics and opinion, pp. 184–92.
90 All Souls 171, 23 Jan. [1680], fo. 112v.
91 The last will and testament of Anthony king of Poland, p. 4, CUL, Sel.2.118 (203); Iter boreale (1682), CUL, Sel.2.126 (46).
92 Beside a reference to Thomas Atkins, a member of the Rump Parliament who was lampooned by ‘Rump’ ballads in 1659/60, Verney added: ‘aldn: Atkins who did beshit himself’. CUL, Sel.2.123 (153): The boys whipt home (1681). On these satires, see Jenner, Mark, ‘The roasting of the rump: scatology and the body politic in restoration England’, Past and Present, 177 (2002), pp. 84–120CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Beside Zachary Crofton's name, a Presbyterian preacher who was accused of taking sexual pleasure from whipping his maid, Verney added ‘[he] that whips his maids’. CUL, Sel.2.121 (33): A proposall humbly offered, for the farming of liberty of conscience (1662). The case is described in Capp, Bernard, When gossips meet: women, family, and neighbourhood in early modern England (Oxford, 2004), pp. 173–4Google Scholar.
93 Newton Key, ‘“High feeding and smart drinking”: associating hedge-lane lords in Exclusion Crisis London’, in McElligott, ed., Fear, exclusion and revolution, p. 157.
94 The two associations (1681); The parallel: or, The new specious association an old rebellious covenant (1682).
95 Shaftsbury's farewel: or, the new association (1683), p. 2, CUL, Sel.2.118 (204); The two associations, pp. 5–6, CUL, Sel.2.118 (197).
96 The two associations, p. 5, CUL, Sel.2.124 (8).
97 Raymond, ‘Exporting impartiality’, p. 145.
98 Tyrrell, Bibliotheca politica, epistle.
99 State tracts: being a collection of several treatises relating to the government (1689; 1692–3); A choice collection of papers relating to state affairs; during the late revolution (1703); A collection of state tracts (1705–7); A compleat collection of papers (1689), All Souls 134 (93).
100 Fox, Adam, ‘Cheap political print and its audience in later seventeenth-century London: the case of Narcissus Luttrell's “Popish Plot” collections’, in Chartier, Roger, ed., Scripta volant, verba manent: Schriftkulturen in Europa zwischen 1500 und 1900 (Basel, 2007), p. 230Google Scholar.
101 Impartiality was not the only factor driving the collection of cheap print. Collectors from the Civil War period such as George Thomason (d. 1666), and later seventeenth-century collectors such as Anthony Wood and Thomas Hearne, considered their collections to be valuable historical and antiquarian resources without explicitly referring to impartiality. The concept should instead be viewed as complementary to collecting. The Williamite pamphleteer Edmund Bohun, for example, reflected impartial rhetoric when using the printed papers he ‘collected’ to display ‘the matter of Fact’ in a Williamite history of the Glorious Revolution, adding that ‘without which it is impossible to pass any judgment upon the merits of the case’. Edmund Bohun, The history of the desertion (1689), qu. from Knights, ‘Judging partisan news’, p. 214. Bohun's collections are at CUL, Sel.3.232; CUL, Sel.3.235–8.
102 Dacome, Lucia, ‘Noting the mind: commonplace books and the pursuit of the self in eighteenth-century Britain’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 65 (2004), pp. 603–25, at pp. 611–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
103 Zwicker, Steven M., ‘The constitution of opinion and the pacification of reading’, in Sharpe, Kevin and Zwicker, Steven M., eds., Reading, society and politics in early modern England (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 295–316CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
104 Sharpe, Reading revolutions, pp. 72, 182, 190; Millstone, Manuscript circulation, pp. 181–2; Battigelli, Anna, ‘“To conclude aright within ourselves”: Narcissus Luttrell and the burden of the Protestant reader, 1678–1688’, in Baron, Sabrina A., ed., The reader revealed (Washington, DC, 2001), pp. 78–9Google Scholar.
105 Martin Strong, Indecency and unlawfulness of baptizing children in private (1692), Osborn b321, fo. 80 (‘Changing a man's opinion’).
106 Luttrell's commonplace books exemplify how ‘the ousting of in utramque partem discourse was not a straightforward process’, but one involving the introduction of a concept (impartiality) into the ‘old habit’ that was both ‘alien’ and appeared ‘to fit perfectly’. See Traninger, ‘Taking sides and the prehistory of impartiality’, pp. 55, 58.
107 Klein, Lawrence E., Shaftsbury and the culture of politeness: moral discourse and cultural politics in early eighteenth-century England (Cambridge, 1994), p. 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
108 Christine Gerrard, ‘The language of impartiality and party-political discourse in England, 1680–1745’, in Murphy and Traninger, eds., The emergence of impartiality, pp. 211–22.
109 BL, Add. MS 10447 (written in Greek letters), partially reproduced in P. Dixon, ‘Narcissus Luttrell's private diary’, Notes & Queries, 9, issues 10 and 12 (1962), pp. 88–392 and 452–4.
110 The Spectator, no. 317, 4 Mar. 1712, qu. from Allan, David, Commonplace books and reading in Georgian England (Cambridge, 2010), p. 55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
111 ‘Mr Wheelock for a puppy of his Ld Ships breed’, Osborn c65.