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² Balfour, J. M., Recent Happenings in Persia (London, 1922), p. 22.Google Scholar For a brief history of “forced migration” see Perry, J. P., “Forced Migration in Iran During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Iranian Studies 8 (Autumn 1975), 199–215.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ Subsequent to the famine in 1871–72, many thousands left the southern and central provinces for the Caspian littoral in search of food. Abbot to Alison, Rasht, 20 November 1871, FO60–338, PRO, referred to inGoogle ScholarGilbar, G., “Demographic Developments in Late Qajar Persia, 1870–1906,” Asian and African Studies 11 (1976), 152.Google Scholar

⁴ Like the many Azerbaijani families who left their province to settle in Khurasan. Consul-General Maclean, J., “Report on the Trade of Khurasan and Seistan for the Year 1890–1891,” in United Kingdom Parliamentary Accounts and Papers (PAP, hereafter), 1892, Lxxxiii, p. 9.Google Scholar

⁵ Churchill, H. L., Consular Report (CR, hereafter), “Gilan,” PAP, 1878, lxxix, pp. 701–702;Google ScholarBouvat, L., “Le commerce et l'agriculture dans la Perse du Nord, d'après MM. H.-L. Rabino et F. Lafont,” Revue du Monde Musulman 23 (06 1913), 183;Google ScholarEdmund, C. J., “An Autumn Tour in Daylam,” Journal of Central and Asian Society 11 (1924), 355.Google Scholar

⁶ Wilson, A. T., “The Opium Trade Through Persian Spectacles,” The Asiatic Review 21 (04 1925), 189.Google Scholar

⁷ For a very rare English source on this subject see the partial translation of Abdullaev, Z. Z., Promyshlennost i zarozhdenie rabochego kiassa Irana v kontse XIX- nachale XX vv. (Baku, 1963)Google Scholar in Issawi, Charles, ed., The Economic History of Iran, 1800–1914 (Chicago, 1971), pp.42–52; hereafter Issawi, EHI.Google Scholar

⁸ The lower figure is suggested in Ivanov, M. S., lnqilab-i Mashrutiyat-i Iran (The Constitutional Revolution of Iran) (Tehran, 1978).Google Scholar For the higher figure see Taqi-Zadeh's speech in the first Majlis cited in Kermani, Nizam al-Islam, Tarikh-i Bidari-yi Iranian (The History of the Awakening of the Iranians), 3 vols. (Tehran, 1960), vol. 2, p. 121. His figure is imprecise in the sense that it seems to include all emigration out of Iran.Google Scholar See also Belova, N. K., “Ob otkhodnichestve iz severozapadnogo Irana, v Kontse XIX- nachale XX veka,” Voprosy Istorii 10(1956), 114. For a rare French translation of parts of this article see “La social-démocratic en Iran: Histoire du mouvement ouvrier en Iran (I),” (Florence, 1979), pp. 53–62. Abdullaev, too, agrees with this higher estimate. See Issawi, EHI, p. 51.Google Scholar

⁹ Telegramme from Baku, , Kermani, Nizam al-Islam, Tarikh-i Bidari, The 3 vols. in one edition (Tehran, 1953), p. 511.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Orsolle, E., La Caucase et Ia Perse (Paris, 1885), p. 49.Google Scholar Also Danish, Mirza Riza Khan (Arfa' ad-Dawlah), Iran-i Diruz (Yesterday's Iran) (Tehran, 1966), p. 39.Google Scholar

¹¹ Telegramme from Ashkabad Nizam al-Islam Kermani, Tarikh-i Bidari, vol. 2, p. 91.Google Scholar

¹² See note 9 for the higher figure. The lower estimate appears in Adamiyat, F. and Natiq, H., Afkar-i Ijtima'iy va Siyasi va Iqtisadi dar Asar-i Munrasher-nashudeh-i Duran-i Qajar (The Social, Political, and Economic Thought in Unpublished Works of the Qajar Period) (Tehran, 1977), p. 295. A similar case arises when, in one and the same source, the Persians in Batum are given as 4,000 to 5,000 in one place and 40,000 to 50,000 in another.Google Scholar See Maraghe-i, Haj Zain al'Abedin, Siyahatnameh-i Ibrahim Baig (The Travel Memoirs of Ibrahim Baig) (Tehran, 1974), pp. 24–25.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ Ibid., p. 113.

¹⁵ Entner, M. L., Russo-Persian Commercial Relations, 1828–1914 (Gainsville, Fla., 1965), p. 60.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Gordon mentions that in 1894–1895, 20,000 Persian Passports were issued in the Persian Embassy in Constantinople, which “would include pilgrims as well as home Visitors.” Sir Gordon, Thomas Edward, Persia Revisited (London, 1896), p. 9. It is not t all unlikely that some of these went to Russia.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ This practice, however, was so recurrent that the consulate decided to reissue the travel documents. Arfa was assigned the task of rewriting them whereby he benefitted from one tenth of the revenue. Given the large number of Persians in the Caucasus, sometimes he had to “write on until the morning,” as a result of which, “his economic means expanded.” Arfa', Iran-i Diruz, p. 70.Google Scholar

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²¹ Dealing with the same passport data, Gad Gilbar overlooked the national census, hence stating that: “As there are no data for the number of Persians who returned from Russia to Persia before 1900, it is impossible to estimate the total number of Persian nationals who lived and worked in Russian territories in the years immediately prior to World War 1.” Gilbar, G., Demographic Developments, p. 152. More importantly, Gilbar also commits an error in stating that, “in the years 1900–1913 about 1.765 million Persians left legally for Persia,” and conversely that, “over 1.412 million Persians left Russia for Persia,”Google Scholaribid. He arrives at these figures by adding up the relevant number of entries and exits for this period (see our Table 2) and ignores the fact that an “individual Persian national” could have made recurrent entries to and exits from Russia — a common occurrence, given the short-term nature of migration for the most part.

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⁹⁵ Ibid., vol. l, p. 17.

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¹⁰⁰ Ibid., pp. 59–60.