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16 Ibid., 48–52; Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics, 263; and Huntington, The Third Wave, 100.

17 Eight flaws noted are: the individual president is by definition elected in a zerosum “winner-take-all” contest; often with only a plurality of (public) support; the losing candidate(s) lose more, and they lack the position of an opposition parliamentary leader; the president is elected for a fixed term, usually of six years, and cannot be removed if unpopular or incompetent; in the case of death, the presidency is immediately transferred to the then-vice president, who may be similarly flawed, or even more so; the president and the congress can be hostile forces, yet each can claim the legitimacy of democratic election; the inability to re-elect a given president makes that person unaccountable, and may also be frustrating in the case of a good president; and a presidential system—like singlemember-plurality voting—effectively “compresses” the party system into less than three main parties, which is not desirable for heterogeneous societies (Linz, Juan J., “Presidential or Parliamentary Democracy: Does It Make a Difference?” in Linz, Juan J. and Valenzuela, Arturo, eds., Comparative Perspectives, vol. 1 of The Failure of Presidential Democracy [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994])Google Scholar. The cited conclusion is from page 70.

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43 For example, it was not until July 1933 that the Estonian kroon was finally devalued — and this measure was only narrowly passed (Panning, The Collapse of Liberal Democracy, 43).

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54 Panning, The Collapse of Liberal Democracy, 60.

55 Kirby, Finland, 85–87; and Alapuro, Risto and Allardt, Eric, “The Lapua Movement: The Threat of Rightist Takeover in Finland, 1930–32,” in Linz, Juan J. and Stepan, Alfred, eds., The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes: Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), 132.Google Scholar

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