Social class and substance use disorders: The value of social class as distinct from socioeconomic status
Introduction
Socioeconomic inequality (SEI) is associated with a variety of psychiatric disorders, among which are substance use disorders (SUDs). The literature indicates that regular and heavy non-problem drinking are more common among the advantaged, while abstention, problematic use and alcohol use disorders are more common among the disadvantaged (Halldin, 1985; Bucholz and Robins, 1991). However, several studies reveal that the relationship between SEI and alcohol use disorders is modified by gender and ethnicity. For example, results from the Epidemiological Catchment Area (ECA) study show that the negative association between SEI and alcohol abuse and dependence is much stronger among males than females, probably because the SEI status definition of women depended as much on their spouse's as on their own occupation (Helzer et al., 1991). In addition, Jones-Webb et al. (1995), using a composite measure of SES that took into account income, education, and occupation, found a significant interaction between socioeconomic inequality and ethnicity in the prediction of the number of drinking problems and alcohol dependence symptoms. Among blacks, the inverse relationship with the SEI measure was much stronger than among whites. However, Herd (1994), whose report is based on the same study as that of Jones-Webb et al. (1995), and employs the same definitions of drinking problems and dependence symptoms, but a different indicator of SEI did not observe the two-way interaction between SEI and ethnicity reported by Jones-Webb et al. (1995). Thus, this examination of the literature reveals that the manner in which SEI is defined and measured has an impact on the nature of the relationships found with alcohol abuse and dependence.
The findings regarding the relationship between SEI and drug use disorders are less clear, with some studies indicating a generally negative association and others reporting overall positive associations (Warner et al., 1995; Robins, 1977). In addition to differences in gender, ethnicity and the definition of SEI which is employed, these differences are probably due to the different ways of distinguishing use from abuse and dependence and to differences in the relationship between SEI and different substances of abuse. For example, Antony (1991), using data from the Epidemiological catchment Area (ECA) study, showed that educational attainment is positively related to cannabis use disorders but negatively related to heroine and cocaine abuse and dependence. Moreover, unskilled labour jobs were over-represented among employed heroin abuse/dependent cases but under-represented among employed cocaine cases. In summary, it seems that the definition of SEI that is used also influences the nature of the relationship between SEI and drug use disorders.
In this paper we focus on the impact of a different definition of SEI on the relationship between SEI and the prevalence and onset of SUDs, taking into account potential confounding and effect modification by gender and ethnicity. The most commonly used SEI measures in epidemiology are based on education, occupation, or income. These measures, referred to here as measures of socioeconomic status (SES), have a common underlying concept of a society that is stratified according to a socially desired commodity. Accordingly all these measures are gradational. A different concept and measure of SEI, referred to here as social class, relies on another view of society, one in which social classes are defined in terms of control over productive assets (Wright, 1985). For the empirical measure of social class we rely on the work of Wright and Perrone (1977)and Wright et al. (1982). The measure is based on four types of control people have in their work place: ownership, control over budget decisions, control over other workers, and control over one's own work. On the bases of these four types of control, eight class categories are defined. The work of Kohn et al. (1990)with occupational self-direction, Link et al. (1993)with occupational direction, control, and planning (DCP), and the work of Karasek (1979)with the control-demand model demonstrate that the element of control is important in the relationship of SEI with psychiatric disorders. We have previously shown that social class, defined according to Wright et al. (1982), has potential for etiological insights of psychiatric disorders by demonstrating that social class has a relationship with depression and SUDs that is independent of the relationship between SES and these disorders (Wohlfarth, 1997). The fact that social class has a relationship with SUDs independent from SES implies that the causal pathways responsible for these relationships are different as well.
As a first step in exploring these pathways, one needs to examine the nature and the direction of the relationship. Therefore, the specific aim of this paper is to examine the relationship between the different aspects of social class and SUDs (in the results section) and to compare these results with an earlier report from the same study by Dohrenwend et al. (1992)in which SES definition of SEI was employed (in the discussion section). Special attention will be paid to the causal role of the two SEI measures in the onset of SUDs.
Section snippets
Methods
The data come from a two-phase epidemiological study conducted in Israel. The study was designed to test the competing hypotheses of social-causation and social-selection, the two competing explanations for the inverse association between SES and most psychiatric disorders (Dohrenwend et al., 1992). The study is described in detail elsewhere (Dohrenwend et al., 1992; Levav et al., 1993). Here we provide only a summary of the sampling procedure followed by a more detailed description of the
The relationship between social class and substance use disorders
Table 1 presents rates of disorders in the different class categories. Only year prevalent disorders are presented here. The results for lifetime prevalence are quite similar and, therefore, do not add to the picture. Table 1 indicates that the main class difference in rates of alcohol and drug use disorders lies between the self-employed (Bourgeoisie, Petty Bourgeoisie, and Small Employers) and the employees (the other five classes), with self-employed having much higher rates than employees.
Discussion
Our aim in this paper is to examine the relationship between social class and SUDs and to compare this relationship to the one between SES and SUDs. Our results show a strong association between ownership and SUDs, with higher rates of SUDs among self-employed compared to employees. The causal test showed that the onset of most SUDs occurred after entry into the current job, indicating that being self-employed is likely to play a causal role in the onset of SUDs.
Furthermore, we found the
Acknowledgements
The authors like to thank Dr. Bruce P. Dohrenwend, Dr. Bruce G. Link and Dr. Sharon Schwartz for their valuable comments on earlier versions of this paper.
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