Fee-for-service or donation? Hungarian perspectives on informal payment for health care
Introduction
There is a growing international interest in informal payments for health care in low and middle income countries (Delcheva et al., 1997; Ensor & Savelyeva, 1998; Killingsworth et al., 1999; McPake et al., 1999; Thompson & Witter, 2000; Ensor & Witter, 2001; Ensor, 2004; Falkingham, 2004). Such payments are widespread and enduring in the former communist countries of central and eastern Europe (Lewis, 2000), even where the transition from command to market economy has been otherwise relatively successful.
While there is no generally accepted definition of informal payment, its most common form involves patients paying physicians and other health workers out-of-pocket for services that they are entitled to receive free of charge, usually in a publicly financed system (Balázs, 1996).
The significance of informal payment is twofold. First, it is a possible way to relieve pressure on the public purse. Second, it introduces incentives and disincentives into the health care system that affect system performance and the attainment of policy objectives. What these incentives are and how they influence efficiency and equity have long been debated, not just in Hungary (Petschnig, 1983; Ádám, 1986; Csaba, 1993), but in other ex-communist countries (Delcheva et al., 1997; Lewis, 2000; Wlodarczyk & Zajac, 2002). A common theme in all these countries is differentiation between payments before and after the service, regarding the former as corruption while the latter as a gift, indicating one's gratitude. For instance, the Code of Ethics of the Hungarian Medical Chamber declares that “the expression of gratitude, which accompanies recovery from illness, saving of lives and the birth of a new life is not subject to coercion and is based on free will” and “within certain limits” gratitude payment is legal and legitimate (Hungarian Medical Chamber, 1998), while the guidelines of the Bulgarian Physicians’ Union condemn ‘ex ante’ payments as unethical, but accept ‘ex post’ payments as the right of patients (Delcheva et al., 1997).
This paper draws on the debate that has taken place in Hungary to explore this distinction, thus identifying implications for policy. Although there is considerable relevant literature from Hungary, it is not accessible in English, and there have been no attempts to summarize it in a way that can offer a theoretical framework that will inform policy making. We examine this literature in terms of three questions. What are the causes of informal payment? Why do patients give informal payments? What is the impact of informal payment on the performance of the health care system? Finally, we use this framework to generate two contrasting hypotheses with different policy implications.
Section snippets
Methodology
Despite growing international interest, the literature on informal payments can seem quite limited. Yet the few publications in peer-reviewed journals and the conspicuous lack of cross-national research does not necessary mean that the phenomenon is under-researched. Rather the language barrier means that much is not easily accessible, but even those documents available in English have rarely been published subsequently in peer-reviewed journals.
The search strategy thus comprised two equally
Why pay informally for health care? The theoretical debate
The causes of informal payment have been subject to intensive debate in Hungary ever since it became a legitimate topic for research. The explanations fall into three main categories: legal–ethical, social–cultural, and economic (Table 1), and were developed in two major waves.
During the 1970s the theoretical discussion was dominated by social–cultural and ethical explanations of informal payment. These theories provided scientific underpinnings for official policy that denied that informal
Social–cultural explanations of informal payments
Ádám, 1985, Ádám, 1986 argues that informal payment originated in the Hungarian health care system at the end of the 1940s, when the state-socialist model was established. The communist policy was to separate ‘tipping’ from corrupt practices, such as selling beds, and cheating with sickness benefits. While the former was tolerated, the latter was to be eradicated by administrative (legal) measures.
Early theoretical discussions reflected this duality, introducing ethical and social–cultural
The impact of informal payment on the performance of the health care system: the theoretical debate continued
The theoretical discussion on the impact of informal payment on system performance has taken place at two levels. First, at the level of the individual transaction, how does the actual service received differ between paying and non-paying patients? Second, how do informal payments influence the functioning of the health care sector at the system level in terms of the allocation of resources and the distribution of income? In general, opinions were polarized between those (e.g. Balázs, 1991;
Summing up the debate: fee-for-service or donation?
The theoretical discussions involve many different views and comprise quite complex argumentation but it is possible to distil two main hypotheses that capture the essence of the phenomenon from the perspective of its impact on system performance and the effectiveness of various policy tools to tackle it (Table 3).
Empirical evidence
The preceding discussion highlights the different implications of informal payments given as a benign reflection of gratitude and a fee for service, with its potential to deter the poor from utilizing care or induce the provision of unnecessary services. While these two approaches were deliberately contrasted to make the ambiguities that surround them particularly evident, they are by no means exclusive and they can (and most probably do) coexist in health care systems. Gift giving is a
Conclusions: a possible research agenda
Reviewing the various theories on the causes of informal payment we have summarized the essence of the debate as revolving around two contrasting hypotheses, ‘donation’ or ‘fee-for-service’, with different consequences for appropriate policy response. Although distilled from the theoretical debates in Hungary, they seem to be relevant to other countries facing informal payment, and consequently they have a wider applicability.
We argue that a testing of these hypotheses is key to the formulation
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