The Ethnobotany of Central Sekhukhuneland, South Africa

This masters dissertation is a quantitative ethnobotanical study on the Bapedi of Central Sekhukhuneland. As an attempt to nullify any misinterpretation on the subject matter, the definition of ethnobotany that shall be referred to in this study is that by Balick and Cox (1996) who defined ethnobotany as “the study of the relationships between plants and people” which includes “the influences of plants on human culture”. Noteworthy is that the majority of the work published on the Bapedi is either centred on anthropology or ethnology, or is biased towards medicinal plant use knowledge that is still resonant amongst traditional healers. Although the food plants of the Bapedi have been described in detail, almost no published information is available on the full diversity of indigenous knowledge about plants that are still available and relevant to the local communities and their everyday material needs. Thus, the aim of this research was to accurately record extant indigenous knowledge on all of the most important useful plants within the area considered “the heartland of the Bapedi”. This study included participants from all age groups irrespective of social status. The three villages (study areas) selected for this study were Frisgewaght, Ga-Moretsele/Tsehlwaneng and Ga-Sekele, all of which fall within the Makhuduthamaga Municipality. Based on the type of information required from the various participants in the villages and data analysis thereof it was determined that the matrix methodology, proposed by De Beer and Van Wyk (2011), would be the most suitable for this study. The matrix method comprises of three phases and ensures that high quality primary data is recorded. The data can be subjected to statistical analysis because of the rigorous way in which it is gathered (all participants are interviewed about all the known useful plants of the study area). Prior to any field survey, including interviews with participants could commence, a plant collection permit was obtained from the South African National Biodiversity Institute (SANBI) and ethical approval was obtained from the University of Johannesburg’s Science Faculty Ethics Committee. A total of 152 useful plant species were identified during the first phase of the study of which 53 (35%) are exotic plant species and 16 (30%) of the exotic plant species are listed on the National Environmental Management: Biodiversity Act (NEM:BA) Act No. 10 of 2004 as invasive plant species. Photographs were taken of each plant species and used to compile a flip-file which was a fundamental tool for use in the second phase of the study. After establishing sufficient rapport in each village, the second phase of the study could commence. A total of 27 willing participants were identified, who fell within four distinct age groups [children (7-18 years), young adults (19-35 years), adults (36-54 years) and elders (55+ years)], and were


List of Figures
produced by mixing briefly fermented (cured underground) and powdered tobacco leaf with water and allowing it to dry out; b, details of one snuff "cake". 32        of Sekhukhuneland with the Kamiesberg data of Nortje and Van Wyk (2015). 127   values (X indicates the main categories of use). See Table 5.1 for detailes of the uses  Rankoana (2000). Species (or related species) used by both cultural groups are shown in bold. 130  Moffett (2010).
Species (or related species) used by both cultural groups are shown in bold. 130 The majority of published work on the Bapedi culture is centred on anthropological studies, which have been written by non-Sepedi speaking individuals and therefore raises questions about authenticity due to the language barrier (Makgeru, 2014). The limited published work available on the culture's ethnobotany is either longstanding as in the thesis published by Quin (1959) on the 'Feeding habits of the Bapedi' or, as in the case of the abundant recently published work by co-workers, (2013 to 2015), drawing attention only towards a specific plant use category (medicinal use in this case).
This factor seems to be resonant amongst the majority of publications on South African ethnobotany where medical plant use takes centre stage. Medicinal plant use by South African ethnic groups has been deemed similar (Kale, 1995). The truth behind this assumption is questionable considering that quantitative ethnobotanical surveys amongst South African ethnic groups are limited. The level of medicinal plant use research conducted amongst South African cultures is not equivalent. The research of Hutchings et al. (1996) on Zulu medicinal plants and Mabogo's (1990)  Africa. According to these and other ethnobotanical reviews, including Liengme (1983) and Van Wyk (2002, it is clear that there is a vast unexplored pool of indigenous knowledge that is in great need of documentation.
With the economic development of rural areas, the Bapedi culture is rapidly being lost. This research project is thus motivated by the urgent need to document all aspects of Bapedi plant use, including, and not limited to, medicinal, nutritional, crafts, building, ornamental and agricultural plant uses. Bapedi ethics and customs, which play a major role in regulating the above mentioned plant use categories, will also be included, highlighting the transformation in the culture over the years resulting from the advancements of western technologies.

Aim
This study aims to accurately record extant indigenous knowledge on all of the most important useful plants within the area considered 'The heartland of the Bapedi', including those used for traditional medicine, food, beverages and various technical purposes which include, amongst others, firewood, thatching, construction and the making of household items. Using quantitative methods, the most popular plant species for various use categories will be determined. The hypotheses is that Bapedi ethnobotany is still extant in Central Sekhukhuneland although not yet systematically and comprehensivelyrecorded across various plant use categories and 2) the Bapedi indigenous knowledge is comparable in plant use to closely related cultures. .

Objectives
The specific objectives of the research study are to: 1. Compile a checklist of all useful plants, through field studies and literature data, as well as plant use data from historic herbarium specimens. This will assist in highlighting how many plant species have known traditional and modern-day uses.
2. Capture data on all newly recorded plant uses with the intent to discover how many uses for the various plants and plant parts are not yet scientifically recorded.
3. Compile an inventory of all vernacular names, including literature data and newly recorded data. | 14 4. Compile a data matrix with quantitative data for the level of traditional knowledge in a selection of volunteer participants with the intent to investigate the level of knowledge in the chosen communities and to perhaps get insight into the question whether or not traditional knowledge is being lost or transferred to the younger generation.
5. Compare patterns of plant use by the Bapedi with other ethnic groups at the regional and national levels.

Structure of dissertation
Chapter 2 gives a brief overview of the general study area, Sekhukhuneland, the geology of the area and a brief look into the history of the Bapedi. Chapter 3 covers the plants and their varied uses as determined during this study, Chapter 4 outlines the method and materials applied in this study. The results are presented in Chapter 5 and discussed, in detail, in Chapter 6. The thesis is concluded in Chapter 7, which summarises the main findings.

Climate
Sekhukhuneland has a typical Savanna Biome climate. The summers are warm and moist whilst the winters are cool and dry (Victor et al., 2005). Rain is experienced between the months of December and April, which ranges from 350 mm in the dry season to about 650 mm in the wet season (Siebert, 2000).
Generally, the warmer northern parts of Sekhukhuneland experience a mean temperature of 24. 6°C and the cooler southern areas have a mean temperature of 20.1°C (Siebert, 2001;Rutherford, 2006).

Landscape and geology
The Highveld Escarpment surrounds the area; the Steenkampsberg lies to the south, the Strydpoort Mountains to the north, and the Drakensberg to the east. The Springbok flats occur to the west of Sekhukhuneland (Siebert, 2001;Siebert, et al., 2003;Rutherford, 2006). The dominant rock type in the region is ultramafic rock, which mainly consists of norite, pyroxenite and anorthosite (Siebert, 2001). This type of rock produces soils which have less than 45% silica, close to no quartz or feldspar and consists mainly of ferromagnesic silicates, metal oxides and sulphides, a high magnesium-calcium ratio and a high concentration of heavy metals of which several are toxic to non-specialist plants (Proctor, 2003). Favero-Longo et al. (2004) published work on lichens and ultramafic rocks and Siebert (2001) studied the floristic patterns in the Sekhukhuneland region, all of which revealed that the percentage endemism in these types of substrates is significantly positively correlated with the surface cover percentage of norite, pyroxenite and anorthosite (Retief et al., 2008). This serves as an indicator of the importance of the ultramafic rock type for endemism in Sekhukhuneland. The plants found in this type of environment have managed to develop mechanisms which allow them to grow under the geochemically induced stress from the ultramafic rocks and soil (Siebert et al., 2000;Favero-Longo et al., 2004;Damschen, 2012). This makes them of great importance in terms of conservation because they contain a very important gene pool, which could be of use in the rehabilitation of polluted land such as mine dumps (Siebert, 2001). It has not previously been recorded if Sekhukhuneland endemics have been or are still being used by the Bapedi.
The major river that flows through Sekhukhuneland is the Olifants River. One of its main tributaries, the Steelpoort River, is of critical significance to the Bapedi culture. The Steelpoort River is traditionally known as Tubatše and it marks the place where the first Bapedi village was established. In 1650, the Bapedi first settled at Mogokgomeng, situated south of the current Steelpoort railway station (Sküsel, 2008).

Origin of a culture
Bapedi origins are deeply rooted in the Sotho tribe, a name derived from 'batho ba baso' meaning dark skinned people (Monnig, 1967). It is estimated that the Sotho came from Central Africa and migrated southwards from the Great Lakes region. The Bapedi are part of the Sotho clan made up of several tribes, namely: South Sotho, Western Tswana, Eastern Tswana, Central Sotho, Eastern Sotho, North-Eastern Sotho and Northern Sotho. The Bapedi belong to the Central Sotho tribe (Quin, 1959;Kuper, 1975). Van Warmelo (1935) stated that the tribes belonging to the Sotho were domiciled essentially on the higher plateau of the interior, but large parts of this area were never really favoured by them. The choice in location is a result of the battles that occurred in the region, including the German raid of 1875 and the Bapedi-Boer War of 1876. This forced the Bapedi to retreat up into the hills, building strongholds to keep the intruders at bay. Since that time they have remained in the hills (Monnig, 1967;Küsel, 2008).

Building an empire
The Bapedi and Sekhukhuneland have a complex history. On arrival in Sekhukhuneland in the 1600s, the Bapedi found a few other tribes that had taken refuge in the area (Küsel, 2008). Officially, the land was declared 'The land of the Bapedi' in 1881 but Bapedi have been living sustainable lives off the land for hundreds of years prior to the land declaration (Monnig, 1967).
For a prolonged period, between 1650 and 1680, the Bapedi were under the rule of the Bamaroteng (Van Warmelo, 1935). The Maroteng promoted unification, leading to the development of the Bapedi and cultural unity, though not concrete, this was the beginning of a community absent in the past. This unity also led to the adoption of the language spoken in Sekhukhuneland as the standard of written Northern Sotho (Sepedi), what is today one of the main languages used in the Limpopo Province (Monnig, 1967).
Prior to 1824, the Bapedi history is overshadowed by a lack of documentation, making it difficult for historians to accurately date the culture's origins and great events (Quin, 1959;Makgeru, 2014 giving rise to the Mogale clan, who stayed in Rustenburg and the Tabane clan, who migrated to Schilpadfontein. Tabane had a son, Liale, a great warrior who overthrew many nations on their journey eastwards from the Kgatla clan. His nation grew in number with every conquered tribe around him. There is uncertainty about the development of the Bapedi clan name but it is thought to come from his people deciding to assume Liale's other name, 'Mopeli' as a sign of devotion to their great warrior king. Another theory is that the name was adopted from one of the VhaVenda iron making clans conquered by Liale, the Vhambezi, which is a phonetic equivalent of Bapedi. As the Bapedi moved further east they travelled down the escarpment along the Tubšte River valley passing the Leolo Mountains and settled south of the Steelpoort River (Tubatše); this occurred around the early 1600's. The Bapedi were still using their Bakgatla totem, which was 'kgabo' (monkey) but, as they passed the Leolo Mountains they came across a porcupine (or it could have been a porcupine quill) which they decided to adopt as their new totem, 'noko' (porcupine) (Quin, 1959;Monnig, 1967 andKüsel, 2008).
The first definite date in the history of the Bapedi is documented by the death of Kgoshi Thulare, marked by a solar eclipse occurring in 1824 (Quin, 1959). Thulare's passing followed the pinnacle in the 'rise of the Bapedi' under Kgoshi Mampuru I, who managed to overthrow many Sotho nations. His reign in power marked one of the most important customs in the rise of the Bapedi Empire; the sons of defeated tribes were forced to marry the daughters of a Bapedi chief thus ensuring that future chiefs of those tribes had Bapedi blood running through their veins (Küsel, 2008). The reign of Thobela, the chief before Mampuru I, was one filled with peace and his tribe showed tribute to their chief by using his name as a symbol of salutation which has survived through time. Even today, Bapedi greet one another with the term 'Thobela' (Quin, 1959).
Thulare's death also marked a dark era in the history of Bapedi. On his death Thulare warned his nation that his brother, Makgeru, should reign uncontested else should he be brought to an unnatural death by 'tsotsane tse ntso' (black ants, referring to the Zulu nation) and 'tsotsane tse tsweu' (white ants, referring to the Europeans) who will invade and overthrow the Bapedi nation. Due to jealousy within the royal household, Makgeru was stoned to death; with his last gasp of air he uttered the words 'I will take the land with me' and with a fist full of the soil, he passed on. to flee with some of the surviving Bapedi villagers and his then wife and first-born son Sekhukhune I (Quin, 1959;Monnig, 1967;Küsel, 2008). Hereafter, the Bapedi history is marked by a major struggle for power between two of the most decisive Bapedi chiefs. Sekwati was father to Sekhukhune I, who would have been heir to the chieftainship, but before the death of Malekutu, Thulare's eldest son, he had already married a tribal wife Kgomo-Makatane.
Although she had not given birth to children for Malekutu, the rightful heir to the chieftainship was to be her son. According to custom, Sekwati wed Kgomo-Makatana in his brother's name. Since Sekwati was unable to have children with his newly wedded wife because of old age, he designated a man to have a child on his behalf. As a result, Mampuru II, who was to be chief, was conceived. Although Sekhukhune I developed into a verocious warrior, the tribe and his father, Sekwati, recognised Mampuru II as the rightful heir to the chieftainship. Upon Sekwati's death, Sekhukhune I with little hesitation, overthrew Mampuru II and killed all his councils; however, Sekhukhune I showed mercy on his half-brother's life and Mampuru II fled on 17 June 1862 to take refuge with the Tau tribe (Quin, 1959 andSküsel, 2008).

War in Sekhukhuneland
The reign of Sekhukhune I was marked by war. During his time as chief, he was constantly warding off continuous waves of British, Dutch and Swati invaders. Sekhukhune I fought and won many battles until his capture in 1879.

Sekhukhune I defeated an army of volunteer French, British and Swati soldiers during the Battle at
Mafolofolo, managing to kill their leader Conrad Hans von Schlieckmann, a German soldier of fortune who led the raid between 1875 and 1876.
The Bapedi-Boer War occurred during 1876 and the Bapedi army, yet again, managed to avoid defeat though they suffered severe causalities and lost valuable resources, which lead to a time of great starvation.  (Quin, 1959;Basadi-ba-Bapedi Cultural Development Trust, 2005;Küsel, 2008;Smith, 2014).

Influences of the South African government
Sekhukhune's I half-brother, Kgolokoe, took over as Chief, from 1882 until 1893, because at the time Sekhukhune II, the rightful heir to the throne, was still a young man. Ramoroko, Kgolokoe's son, succeeded his father as Chief; the Native Commissioner Abel Erasmus influenced this turn in events of the Bapedi chieftainship. His actions caused a great riot, sparking arguments amongst the tribe. At this point General Piet Joubert intervened and split Sekhukhuneland into two regions, the northern portion, which was to be led by the Sekhukhune II chieftainship and the southern portion, which was to be led by the Kgolane chieftainship (Quin, 1959;Monnig, 1967;Packard, 1985;Smith, 2014).

Current Sekhukhuneland
Over the years the monarchs of both the Kgolane and Sekhukhune II chieftainships slowly lost their power and influence. Currently, Sekhukhuneland is divided into five municipalities: Greater Tubatse, Greater Phokwane (which includes Frisgewaght) is led by a female Kgosi. The wife of a deceased chief will be in power until a time when the son is considered fit to take over the throne. Ga-Sekele is ruled by Kgosi Sekele and Tsehlwaneng is ruled by Kgosi Makgeru, who has recently published a book based on his rulership which has been referenced in this study (Makgeru, 2014).

Plant history/culture of the Bapedi
Historically there are a few records of Bapedi plant use. There are some references to the uses of plants in Rampedi's (2010) Semenya et al., 2012aSemenya et al., , 2012bSemenya and Maroyi, 2013).

Introduction
Publications on the Bapedi strongly suggest that the culture had an agricultural background (Monnig, 1967). The majority of the Bapedi diet is concentrated on cultivated crops and ownership of livestock but, when needs be, the Bapedi also possess the knowledge and skill to forage wild fruit and hunt wild animals (Quin, 1959). During the course of field surveys for this study it was noted that the Bapedi still practice agriculture as their main source of food with some changes occurring with westernisation. Figure 3.1 shows a typical field in Sekhukhuneland. The plant uses detailed in this chapter were obtained from literature (which will be indicated by references). Non-referenced statements are from personal field observations.

Bapedi land use
The majority of the settlements in Sekhukhuneland are rural settlements and communities are still reliant on the environment for survival (Victor et al., 2005). This is evident in the number of crops still being cultivated today. Large spaces of land, allocated to various households, are reserved for cultivation of a wide variety of crop plants. This is amongst one of the many traditional practices that have persisted throughout this culture's history. Allocation of land is a duty reserved for the village chief. When a family relocates to a village, or a young man marries a wife and is considered primed to start a family (or simply when a household requests more land), it is up to the chief to decide which section of his land he/she will assign to the family.

Agriculture
When the Bantu peoples arrived in South Africa, they had already acquired the knowledge of farming.
The Bapedi are descendants of the original Bantu inhabitants of South Africa and as a result, they were naturally also knowledgable farmers and not primarily dependant on hunting wild animals and foraging edible wild plants (Quin, 1959). Like most tribes, the women were responsible for the tillage of the fields, hence they had the responsibility of choosing the land they wished to cultivate. It was common for the women to have more than one piece of land on which they would grow their crops (Monnig, 1967 texture and colour of the soil and the vegetation that grows on them (Monnig, 1967). The seven soil categories were: i). Sehlaba: This is a red soil, known to become exhausted after four seasons of sowing. The crops that are best suited for this type of soil are millet, sorghum, melons, beans and pumpkins.
ii). Sekuba: This is a dark grey soil. Crops grow quickly on this soil, but tend to be scorched by heat. Crops that grow well on this type of soil are maize, sweet sorghum, pumpkins, gourds and sorghum.
iii). Seloko: This soil is black and heavy. It is considered as one of the best soils. When it is hot it tends to crack, so that rainwater enters deep into the soil through these cracks. As a result, the soil retains moisture for a longer time. This type of soil is good for all crops except watermelons and beans. iv). Masu: This soil type has almost the same characteristics as Sekuba as crops tend to also become scorched in hot weather. Unlike Sekuba, which only the selected range of crops grows well on, all crops grow quickly on this type of soil. v). Mahlabane: This is a sandy, loamy soil and is favoured for growing sorghum.
vi). Lehlwahlwa: This is a sandy soil that also becomes exhausted after several seasons but it does not require much rain for the crops to grow well. Although beans grow particularly well, all types of crops are grown on this soil. vii). Makura: This is brackish soil, which is never cultivated. Instead, it is good for grazing.
Ideally, a married women would be assigned a combination of lands to ensure a food supply even during a dry season; if she had a piece of Sehlaba land she would still be assured some crops from this soil type to feed her family because crops grown on this soil requires little water.
Although the men were primarily responsible for the livestock (herding, pastoralizing), they could, depending on availability of space, cultivate a small piece of land within the village as a home garden.
With the development of better agricultural tools and the development of the plough, Quin (1959) observed that custom meant men had to plough the land, as women were forbidden to handle cattle and other tools. This is a custom still practiced to this day. Should a woman be caught using an axe to chop firewood in a household where a husband and/or a son is present, that man is accountable for punishment MSc Dissertation Mogale M.M.P The Ethnobotany of Central Sekhukhuneland, South Africa | 24 either by the chief or by the law. The laws that permit only woman to till fields have been lifted as people can now employ workers to work on their farms regardless of gender.

Food and nutrition
The Bapedi have a very specific diet, which like in most cultures, is influenced by their environment. The area occupied by Bapedi is relatively dry and there is little to forage. Bapedi thus depend largely on agriculture (i.e. cultivated crops) as a main source of nutrition (Monnig, 1967).  (Quin, 1959, Ewel et al., 1999. Presently, farming is an activity not only reserved for women. In the modern society amongst the rural communities, the extent of land a man can cultivate is symbolic of his wealth. When requesting a women's hand in marriage, the women's family will base their judgment on the size of land the man can cultivate, not forgetting that the traditional lobola still needs to be paid. A wealthy man is regarded as one who possesses the resources to produce sufficient food from large pieces of land. This can be in the form of buying or hiring agricultural machinery to aid in farming and/or hiring workers who can tend to his land.

Cultivated crops
This ensures the women's family that their daughter and grandchildren will be well taken care of. One agricultural practice that is still common today amongst the rural communities is having a home garden that is also cultivated for food crops (Figure 3.2). As in the case of the family farm, the bigger the home garden, the better.

Food groups
Just as western foods are categorised into various food groups, the Bapedi edible foods are also classified into different groups (Youngblood, 2004;Shewayrga and Sopade, 2011). The data presented here are partly based on the work of Quin (1959) but enriched by own observations and personal experience.

Staple foods
This food group mainly consists of starch based foods primarily produced from Zea mays and Sorghum bicolor crops. Seeds from the crops are ground to fine powder and boiled in water. A wooden spoon is used to mix the contents to various desired states depending on the meal. There are two varieties of MSc Dissertation Mogale M.M.P The Ethnobotany of Central Sekhukhuneland, South Africa | 26 maize meals. The first variety is motepa (soft porridge or gruel), eaten as breakfast and also fed to infants.
The second variety is bogobe (porridge) a firmer state of gruel eaten as part of a staple meal with meat, vegetables and a relish of choice.
Ground Sorghum bicolor or Zea mays can be fermented to make bogobe ba ting (sour porridge), also eaten either as gruel for breakfast or as porridge eaten as part of a staple meal. Fermenting sorghum or maize has been practiced for many generations, as observed by Quin (1959); it changes the taste of the porridge, making it a little sharper.
A special type of grass, korong (Lolium multiflorum Lam.), which has not been recorded before as being used by the Bapedi, is used to make bread (another important stable food of the Bapedi).

Relishes/soups
Soups form part of a typical balanced dish but may not be a necessity with every meal. A typical modern day soup is prepared using three ingredients, eie or keye (onion), tamati (tomato) and a packet of soup concentrate (soup powder), purchased at shops. Traditionally, soups where made by frying the meat in its own juices at low temperature to form a thick liquid soup.
Other forms of staple food supplements include legumes e.g. dinawa (Vigna unguiculata) is eaten as soup with porridge or bread or alternatively, during winter, enjoyed as winter soup. Seeds from marotse (Citrullus lanatus) are fried and eaten with porridge. Alternatively, they are ground to fine powder and mixed with porridge to make yellow porridge.

Fruits and vegetables
Preferably, fruits and vegetables are grown in home gardens and the allocated land is reserved for cultivating larger quantities of crops such as Zea mays and Sorghum bicolor.

Alcoholic beverages
Alcoholic beverages are an important part of the Bapedi culture. They are enjoyed during kgoro gatherings (gathering of the chiefs and their ndunas), to discuss significant community issues and enjoyed during ceremonies. There are a selective few households, which produce large quantities of traditional beverages to sell as a source of extra income, giving plants used for alcoholic beverages an important economic value. Two types of Bapedi alcoholic beverages are recognised: bjwala ba morula, produced from marula pulp and bjwala ba mabhele, produced from fermented Sorghum bicolor ground powder.

a. Bjwala ba marula
The process to prepare this beverage is shown in Figure 3.4. The marula fruit is split open using a fork and the fruit contents (fruit juice, pulp and seed) are squeezed into a bucket. Enough water just to cover the marula contents is poured into the bucket and the mixture is left to stand for 24 hours. After a day, all MSc Dissertation Mogale M.M.P The Ethnobotany of Central Sekhukhuneland, South Africa | 28 solid contents (seeds, pulp and froth that would have formed) in the bucket float to the top of the mixture.
Using the hands, all the solid contents are discarded from the bucket and the bucket is left to stand for another day. More froth would have now formed on the liquid and separation of the froth and liquid mixture is achieved by using a sieve. The alcoholic beverage is then ready to be served. This type of traditional beer is known to cause mild diarrhoea.

b. Bjwala ba mabhele
The instruments used to prepare this beverage are shown in Figure 3.5. Seeds from Sorghum bicolor are placed in water for two to three days. The seeds are placed on a cool flat surface, covered and left for two to three days to germinate. The seeds are then placed in the sun to dry. The dry seeds are now ground to fine powder. Water is boiled and poured into a meta (traditional bucket) and the ground powder is mixed with the water. The mixture is cooked and placed into containers to cool down. The top layer will harden which is removed to make dikgokgo and the cool mixture is placed back into the meta. A small amount of water is poured into the meta and the mixture is left to sit and ferment. After fermentation, the mixture is strained using a mohlôtlô (Figure 3.5a). The liquid is now ready for drinking and the solids left in the sieve are laid out to dry. It can be used to make porridge in times of starvation or used as chicken feed.

Medicinal plant use
Traditional medicines have always been an impotant part of South African cultures and have also had a role in the development of phytomedicines and pharmaceuticals (Grierson and Afolayan, 1999;Heinrich, 2000;Kumbi, 2007;Grierson and Afolayan, 2008). This is in no way different for the Bapedi. The Bapedi consider all plants to have medicinal potential and believe that every plant is used as a medicine by someone. The fact that one person does not have any medicinal use for a plant does not mean that that particular plant does not have any medical properties (Camejo-Rodrigues et al, 2003). An example of such a case is Punica granatum, locally known as garenat. It is commonly known to be an edible fruit (people eat its small fleshy seeds as a snack) but amongst the elderly the outer skin of the fruit is known to be a treatment for stomach cramps and the roots are used to treat diarrhoea. One characteristic traditionally used to differentiate between plants with medicinal potential and those that might be poisonous is the presence of red pigmentation in the bark or root. The red colour is believed to be an indication that the plant can be administered orally as treatment for a particular ailment. Semenya and co-workers (cited above) have made important contributions to our knowledge of Bapedi medicinal plants, especially about how they are used by traditional healers for particularly categories of ailments. A complete inventory and synthesis of the medicinal culture and folk medicine as a whole has not yet been attempted.

Traditional healers
The population in Sekhukhuneland comprises mainly of rural settlements and the communities are highly dependent on the wild plant biodiversity (Victor et al., 2005). Due to financial constraints, the preferable health care system is traditional medication as compared to western health care systems; the latter is often expensive and may not be easily accessible (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). The undesirable side effects experienced from long-term administration of western treatment also add to the reasons why most people prefer traditional as compared to western medicines (Semenya et al., 2012b). As in the case of many traditional healthcare systems in other cultures in South Africa, the Bapedi recognise two different health care providers, diviners and herbalists (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014 not always experts in medicinal herbs, their ancestors guide them and they can administer medication.
One major characteristic of a diviner is that they are selected by the spirits and do not practice voluntarily (Richter, 2003;Sobiecki, 2008;Sobiecki, 2014). Herbalists are similar to modern day general practitioners; they are normal people who have extensive knowledge or the desire to gain knowledge on medicinal plants. Unlike diviners, anyone in a family can become a herbalist and in most cases they are men. Herbalists are voluntarily mentored by an established practitioner (as depicted in Figure 3.6). Herbalists are trained how to diagnose and prescribe medications for ailments and illnesses, as well as the prevention and relief of misfortune and/or evil, protection from witchcraft and to bring happiness (Truter, 2007;Sobiecki, 2008;Semenya and Potgieter, 2014).  (Semenya et al., 2012b;. The use of exotic plants species has increased in the Limpopo Province (Aphane et al., 2002;Semenya et al., 2012b;. The

Exotic plant use
Bapedi of Limpopo have developed many uses for exotic plants. Exotic plants are used extensively in the traditional healthcare sector, and for food, shelter, ecosystem services, aesthetic enjoyment and cultural identity (Semenya et al., 2012b). Thus, the documentation of the medical importance of these 'problematic' plants is recommended before they are lost to invasive clearing programmes .
The Bapedi have also incorporated exoticplants into their daily lives, e.g. Agave americana L. which is used to treat hypertension and Opuntia ficus-indica (L.) Mill. used in the treatment of sexually transmitted diseases . Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum L.) is culturally and economically an important plant to the Bapedi. It is used to produce snuff (

Crafts and construction
Plant fibres have, and in some cases are still, used worldwide. A number of products are derived from fibrous plant materials either for domestic use or for trading (Mjoli and Shackleton 2015). This practice clearly still persists in southern Africa. Plants play a major role to the Bapedi for construction and crafts.
One important construction use still dependent on plants is shelter. The preferred plant material is Hyparrhenia grass. Elders have memory of using two distinctly different grass types in the past, namely matilwana [probably Hyparrhenia hirta (L.) Stapf] (Figure 3.8a), that was used for roofing and lefe (Aristida diffusa Trin. subsp. diffusa) that was used for making brooms (Figure 3.8b). However, with the changing environment and scarcity of plant material, the use of specific grass species has changed and people nowadays mostly use corrugated iron sheets for roofing. Aristida diffusa and Athrixia phylicoides Sond., however, are still widely used to make brooms (Figure 3.8b).   Figure 3.8c. Another fine example of weaving is seen in the use of Xerophyta retinervis Baker to make a sefalanyane or traditional sling shot (Figure 3.8d). Cooking utensils that most modern people would opt to purchase from shops are still being produced from local plants and traded. These include calabashes (Figure 3.8c) and wooden spoons for cooking. In areas where urbanization is occurring at high rates people tend to purchase handcrafts which have strong cultural meaning rather than spending time to produce them themselves (Mijoli and Shackleton, 2015).

The need for rigorous and quantitative ethnobotanical data
The broad review given above highlights the Babedi plant use. This emphasises the need for a systematic documentation of the useful plants of the Bapedi culture before this valuable information becomes lost to future generations. There are already indications that most of the traditional knowledge about plants is only found verbally amongst elderly people (Matete and Lorna, 2005 Cunningham (2001) and borrowing certain aspects from Beebe (1995) and McNall and Foster-Fishman (2007), to select the relevant villages where the study was conducted.
The first contact was in Phokwane were the journey began and, as illustrated in The journey began in Phokwane (A), the residential area of our first contact, Mr Kgoputso Mampuru. He is a traditional herbalist, who identified an isolated village, Frisgewaght, as a potential study site.
Frisgewaght is home to Mr Joseph Makola who has background training as an herbalist. From there on, the journey headed in a north easterly direction through central Sekhukhuneland. In Jane Furse we met our second contact, Mr Matshelane Moretsela, who identified Ga-Moretsele (C) as another potential study site, which was the second village of choice. The third village, Ga-Sekele (D), located in the Leolo Mountains, was traced by randomly conversing with community members along our journey. Ga-Sekele is an ideal study area as it is isolated and community members still actively practice agriculture. The chief of the village still has an inventory of royal artefacts which he presented. Pictures were taken of the royal artefacts which are attached as APPENDIX B. Two villages, Jane Furse (B) and Stocking (E) were also explored but were not considered because of the rapid urban development occurring in these areas.
Community members exhibited a lack of interests in plants and were strongly focussed on the expectation of making money from interviews; few people were still dependant on vegetation for their food supply or other material needs. Through the incorporation of the chain referral sampling method, better known as the snow ball sampling method (Martin, 1995;Dolores and Tongco, 2007), knowledgeable participants were identified who would turn out to be valuable assets to the success of the research project. This method was utilised often throughout the research project.

Rapid Ethnobotanical Appraisal
During the study area selection phase, knowledgeable participants were identified (Figure 4.2). Walks in the vegetation surrounding selected villages were arranged with the participants (Figure 4.3). Field walks permitted the identification of useful plants which is a standard procedure in an ethnobotanical study (Łuczaj, 2010   Participants' schedules were considered when arranging field walks. Field surveys were arranged during times when the participants were free from daily tasks. Alternatively, participation in daily activities and customs was encouraged to show sincerity and build rapport with the community members. As a result, most participants were welcoming and shared information freely. The author's acceptance by the communities was also largely influenced by the fact that the author was from the same culture, with Sepedi as his mother tongue.

Compilation of preliminary plant checklist
A thorough literature study was conducted to capture all existing Sekhukhuneland and Bapedi ethnobotany. Some publications refered to in this study are shown in together with the data gathered from field surveys were used to compile a more refined preliminary checklist of useful plants. All mentioned plant uses, plant parts used and indigenous names were captured. The plant uses were divided into several categories namely construction, crafts, cultivated crops, ethnoveterinary, firewood, medicine, ornamental and wild edible plants.

Compilation of a flip-file
Using the photographs taken during the field surveys, a flip-file was compiled, as illustrated in Figure 4.5, which was used during formal interviews (quantitative survey). Each page in the flip-file represented a different useful plant species. The photographs taken displayed diagnostic features of the plant in question which the community members familiarised themselves with when identifying the plant species.
Where possible each page contained pictures of the whole plant, the bark, leaves, flowers, fruits etc. This was also dependent on the stage and condition the plant in question was in when it was found during the field surveys. Where possible, images of the plant products were also taken which was included in the flip-file alongside the images of the plant species. The flip-file pages are attached as APPENDIX A.
Records were made of all vernacular names and all plant uses mentioned, including traditional folklore.
However, this information was omitted during the compilation of the flip-file (to avoid giving hints to the participant about the previously recorded names and uses). All previously recorded data were used as reference for the information obtained during formal interviews.

Quantitative survey
When the discipline was first introduced, ethnobotany was merely the collection of a culture's indigenous knowledge providing 'uncritical plant use lists' (De Beer and Van Wyk, 2011). This led to scientific criticism, labelling the discipline as a weak science. The need to produce more rigorous scientific ethnobotanical work resulted in the development of "quantitative ethnobotany" (Phillips & Gentry 1993a, 1993b, 2013. Thus, the term quantitative ethnobotany can be defined as "the application of quantitative techniques to direct analysis of contemporary plant use data" (Höft et al., 1999;De Albuquerque, 2009 (Idu, 2009;Gomez-beloz, 2011).
Over the years various quantitative methodologies have been developed to analyse ethnobotanical information, depending on the hypotheses that are to be tested (De Albuquerque, 2009). According to Hoffman and Gallaher (2007), there are four RCI indices categories, based on ethnobotanical quantitative research conducted by various ethnobotanists throughout the years.

I. Uses Totalled/Researcher Tally
These methods were developed by Boom (1990) and Paz Y Mino et al. (1995) and were amongst the earliest methods developed in quantitative ethnobotany. The researcher conducts simple field walks with participants citing plant uses. This data is recorded in various plant use categories, which is then added up. Minimal time is spent in the field when using these methods.

II. Subjective Allocation/Researcher Score
The method was initially developed by Prance et al. (1987) by improving upon Boom's (1990) approach. Prance et al. (1987) simply included in their research a degree of plant use importance. Anderson et al. (2001) took it a step further by assigning the degree of importance from the informants' perception. Turner (1988) explored a different angle by introducing an anthropological aspect, the Cultural Significance Index, which was later improved upon by Stoffle et al. (1990) and Silva et al. (2006). These methods involve the researcher looking at various 'specific uses' of a taxon and allocating different scores depending on the degree of importance according to the researcher (not the participants).

III.
Informant consensus/Informant Tally Gentry (1993a, 1993b) developed these types of methods in an attempt to eliminate any bias that may exist in data captured on a particular taxon's use. To achieve this, the data collected exceeds the amount of data collected in other RCI indices methods. Each participant is scored per plant use per plant and the total is divided by the number of taxa in the study. These informant consensus type methods have been more influential then other ethnobotanical methods and many researchers have applied them to their studies (Hoffman and Gallaher, 2007 1. The informant Score Method explained by Kvist et al. (1995) and Lykke et al. (2004) 2. The Choice Value Method described by Kremen et al. (1998) 3. The Importance Value described by Byg and Balslev (2001) 4. Rapid Informant Rank described by Lawrence et al. (2005) A further method is the Matrix Method, this method was developed by De Beer and Van Wyk (2011). The main purpose of the matrix method was to bridge the gap between compiling checklists and quantifying ethnobotanical data. The matrix method involves the use of visuals aids and interviews in an attempt to capture as much information as possible in a practical, rigorous and comparable way. By presenting all participants with a complete set of photographs of all the useful plants, a complete data set (matrix) is achieved. False negative results, typical of most studies, are avoided. This means that the absence of data for a particular participant is due to a lack of knowledge about that plant and not due to a temporary lapse in memory (i.e., a false negative report). The matrix approach calls for a complete inventory of all useful plants (and photographs of all of them) before the quantitative study (the formal interview phase) can commence. To reach this point may take several visits to the study sites at different times of the year and represents a major challenge. However, it is difficult to visualize how incomplete data that has been randomly collected (e.g. with rapid appraisals or freelisting) can be subjected to satisfactory statistical analyses. The analyses can be only as good as the data, and there is a danger that too much emphasis is placed on analyses rather than on recording high quality primary data. The importance of primary data was also highlighted by Verpoorte (2012), who correctly argued that "…primary data are the most important part of any research. When these are available publicly, anyone may try his or her preferred method for extracting further information from these data." For the purpose of this study, the matrix method (De Beer and Van Wyk, 2011) was therefore the quantitative method of choice, which calculates two simple indices: the Ethnobotanical Knowledge Index (EKI) and the Species Popularity Index (SPI). The matrix method of De Beer and Van Wyk (2011) involves the use of a completed flip-file of images of the plants, a questionnaire and conducting formal interviews with community participants. In this study, 27 volunteers were interviewed. As far as possible, a representative sample of participants was selected, spread over various age groups. These were children aged 10−18, young adults aged 19−29, adults aged of 30−54 and senior citizens aged 55 years and above.
The volunteers participated in relatively short interviews (30 minutes to one hour) during which three simple questions were asked about each plant species appearing in the flip-file. They were asked: Whether they recognised the plant, whether they had a name (scientific and/or vernacular) for the plant and whether they knew of any uses for the plant. Each answer was scored in the following way: 1. If the interviewee recognised the plant = score 1 (0 = no) 2. If the interviewee had a name for the plant = score 2 (0 = no) 3. If the interviewee had a use for the plant = score 3 (0 = no) The highest score an interviewee can obtain is 6 for each plant (1+2+3), indicating that he/she is knowledgeable about the plant in question. The values obtained were then entered into a matrix as explained below.

Ethical clearance
The University of Johannesburg's Science Faculty Ethics Committee approved this research study.
Ethical protocols are enforced because the study involves interaction with community members. The application of ethical rules ensures the safety of participants and eliminates exploitation of the community participants. A formal ethical clearance application was submitted to the ethical committee and a copy of the approval letter is attached as APPENDIX G. Also, a plant collection permit had to be applied for in order to collect any plant material in Sekhukhuneland. The permit for this study was issued by the

Cultural protocol
Ethical clearance alone is not adequate for conducting an ethnobotanical survey. There are cultural conventions a researcher has to abide by in order to obtain unambiguous information without causing misunderstanding, unhappiness, unrealistic expectations or disruption. The village chiefs are high up on the hierarchy and their consent is required prior to any research being conducted on cultural land. This practice is of utmost importance because it not only applies to research but any activity that takes place within the chieftainship boundaries. Failure to abide by this law may even result in prosecution.
As expected of any hierarchy, certain protocols are followed before one can directly communicate with the highest authority. The same applies to Sekhukhuneland. Each village has a nduna (head of council) that is consulted and only he can go to appeal for a gathering with the chief. When a suitable date is agreed upon between the chief and the head of council, only then can the researcher meet and request permission to conduct research on the chief's land.
The manner in which one introduces oneself to the chief weighs heavily on the decision the chief will take regarding the subject of the meeting. Culturally, women were not permitted to attend such meetings but with the advancement of society, the rules have been relaxed. Attire is one very important aspect; one cannot enter the chief's household unless appropriate attire is worn, e.g. a formal jacket.
Following the identification of the relevant villages, meetings with various village chiefs were arranged.
The purpose of these meetings was to request permission to conduct research on their lands and to interview community members. Certain protocols were similar amongst the chiefs but there were slight variations as well.
In the Phokwane chieftainship (the area where the village of Frisgewaght is situated) the responsibilities of the chief were taken over by the chief's wife because both the chief and his son have passed on.
Before a date was set to meet this chief, the request had to be sent via one of the village ndunas. He had to raise the matter during the upcoming goro meetings. Thereafter a date was set for us (my study supervisor and I) to return and personally meet with the village chief to request permission to conduct our study. According to cultural custom no female was permitted during the meeting, although in this case the only female present was the village chief. A formal jacket had to be worn and a customary gift/honorarium had to be presented to the village chief as a gesture of gratitude and respect. The main aim and objectives of the study were carefully explained to the village chief in the presence of a translator.
His role was to ensure that there was no ambiguity in the message being conveyed across the two languages used, namely Northern Sotho and English. In Sekele the proceedings followed a similar pattern as in Phokwane. A respectable nduna was approached to accompany me to the chief's house to set a date for when I could formally return to ask for permission to conduct my studies (Figure 4.6). On the set date of return a gift was presented and the formal request to conduct the ethnobotanical study in his village commenced. The Chief of Sekele, however, requested time to convey the message to his community in order to select participants who were willing to participate in the research and to exclude persons with personal and cultural beliefs who were uncomfortable of having their photos taken and voices recorded. This chief was very helpful and showed me his collection of royal cultural artefacts. He also expressed appreciation for the fact that a young person is interested in the cultural heritage of the Bapedi.
In Tsehlwaneng and Ga-Moretsele (two villages in close proximity that was regarded as a single unit in this study), customary proceedings were unnecessary because of my blood relation to the families who resided in these villages.

Cultural belief
Considering that the sought after knowledge is part of the people's culture, it is expected that the relevant plants also have strong cultural significance to the communities. It is possible that the collection and/or photography of some plants are taboo. Forbidden land must, at all times, be respected. Cultural traditions, beliefs and secrets should be taken into consideration when working on traditional land. For these reasons care was taken to honour all cultural laws and common courtesies. Some western technologies, such as the use of a voice recorder and taking photographs, are still considered as acts of witchcraft by some community members. In some instances, participants feared that their voices and souls may be stolen by electronic devices. Although the chiefs may have given their blessings to work around his village, I was advised not to roam too freely around the land and to respect people's private property and

Conducting interviews
During the second phase in this study the participants were subjected to semi-formal interviews. With the assistance of visual aids in the form of two flip-files, the participants shared their indigenous knowledge on each of the various plant species presented to them in the flip-file. The data extracted from the interviews was captured using a specially developed questionnaire, which is attached as APPENDIX E, and transferred to a spreadsheet developed using Microsoft Excel 2010.

Participant selection
The first village the author conducted the ethnobotanical survey in was Phokwane (Frisgewaght).
Participants were selected at random with the aid of the village nduna Mr Joseph Makola. Together, the nduna and author took walks around the village where participants were selected at random. Although the selection may have been random the only parameter carefully considered was the participants' age.
As far as possible, an adequate representative sample from all age groups was desired. The same process was followed in Tsehlwaneng/Ga-Moretsele. In Ga-Sekele, due to unrelated internal disagreements and in fear of the participants' and author's safety, the chief requested a gathering with his followers. This served as a platform where the author explained clearly the purpose of the visit and conducted individual interviews within the safety of the chief's land. All the participants who contributed to this study are listed in Table 4.2.
Interviews were conducted with extreme sensitivity taking into account the participant's history, social hierarchy and, most sensitive of all, educational background. The use of electronic devices may be a common western practice but in rural communities, such practice may have witchcraft connotations thus participants were clearly notified of the use of any electronic devices (voice recorder, camera) for their consent. The majority of the participants were uncomfortable with the use of electronic voice recorders as it is believed that one can capture a person's soul via the use of voice recordings. The author was advised not to use voice recordings and therefore made written notes to record anecdotes (and took digital photographs of the associated plant or plant parts  The source of the indigenous knowledge (IK) is an important aspect of these interviews as it serves as a track record for the flow of knowledge within the communities.

Interaction with minors
Interviewing minors is a very sensitive issue. As researchers may not engage in any activities with a minor without any parental or guardian consent, minors were not approached during random walks around villages. Rather consent to interact with a minor was formally sought and given in the form of a signed consent form by the parent(s) or guardian.

General respect
It is good etiquette, when staying in the villages, not to disturb and disrupt the participant's daily life and activities. In the case of this study, on many occasions the author took part in community daily activities as illustrated in Figure 4.9. In this manner, a strong relationship was created. A fair honorarium was given to participants at the end of interviews as a kind gesture for their time and knowledge shared. In some cases I gave this at the beginning of the interview, a practise culturally known as 'bula molomo', literally translated as 'mouth opener'.

Feedback to participants
Feedback is one of the most important requirements in terms of ethics. Community members can easily get the impression that they have been exploited if they never see the researcher again and do not get any feedback on the data that was collected and the outcome of the study. Regular updates on the progress of this project were communicated to the participants. However, the final and most important feedback will be provided once this dissertation has been examined and the results published. Copies of publications and posters will be presented to the participants during feedback sessions and a summary of the main finding will be communicated to all the participants.

Comparing the Bapedi traditional knowledge with other cultural groups
The Bapedi are not the only cultural group in South Africa that still utilise natural resources and they are also not the only cultural group in the Limpopo province (Mabogo, 1990 andRampedi, 2010). Bapedi traditional knowledge was therefore subjected to comparisons with other Limpopo cultural groups, namely the VhaVenda and the Tsonga, to compare traditional plant use between cultures living within relatively close proximity. The Bapedi branched from a much bigger clan, the Sotho (Monnig, 1967), so that the traditional knowledge between these two cultures was also compared. Similar comparisons were made between recent studies of people of Khoi and San descent in the Western Cape province of South Africa.
This information was captured together with the traditional names and can be found in summary in Table   5.1 in the next chapter. The literature that was used for the comparisons are also provided. Introduction The following chapter is a complete representation of the results obtained during the study.  Table 5.3, Table 5.4 and Table 5.5, respectively. Figure Table 5.7 and also to the Southern Sotho ethnobotany in Table 5.8 and Figure 5.7. The majority (93%) of the participants in this study are therefore community members who, although they may lack the level of traditional healer's knowledge regarding medicinal uses of plants, possess other plant use knowledge. Such is the case with Agave americana: Semenya et al. (2012aSemenya et al. ( , 2012b and Semenya and Potgieter (2014) have documented the plant being used as a treatment for hypertension, whereas community members use it in construction (fencing posts) and weaving (baskets and ropes).

Checklist of useful plants in Central Sekhukhuneland
Such contrasts are found throughout the listed plants in this study. Another example is Aloe arborescens, used in treatment of HIV/AIDS (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014) but the participants reported its use as a nutritional supplement mixed with porridge, as well as ethnoveterinary uses and as a recreational smoke for the elders. One culturally significant species, Ozoroa paniculosa, has been recorded as an effective medicinal plant being used to treat diarrhoea, measles Potgieter, 2013b, 2014), erectile dysfunction Potgieter, 2013b, 2014;Erasmus et al., 2015) and impotence  but the participants regard it as an ideal and long-lasting material for building kraals, strong enough to contain cattle and other livestock.

Vernacular names Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.
Agave  (Liengme, 1981;Rankoana, 2000;Arnold et al., 2002;Moffett, 2010).
A: Edible, ingredient to mix with food (All). B: A widely used crop (onion) (Moffett, 2010).  (1944). Leaf is mixed with poultry drinking water as medication, and is also used as medicine

Vernacular names Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.
for high blood pressure (All). Dry leaves are burnt, crushed and the powder is mixed with bupi ba mabhele (porridge made from sorghum) [TS, (1955)]; the leaves can also be chewed or licked as medicine [WSM (1972), LM (1964), SM (1951)]; the nectar is edible [ KM (1990)] and can be used to make jam [SMM (1953), TM (1984)]; the plant is also used in treatments of HIV/AIDS (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). B: Numerous medicinal uses are known (Arnold et al., 2002).

Vernacular names
Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.

Argemone mexicana
A: The leaves are crushed and used as a plaster over a growth on a limb [KM (1944)]. The roots are cooked and the water used to apply on an injury [MS (1948)]. B: The Sotho use Argemone species for various ailments (Moffett, 2010).

Asparagus laricinus
Burch.  (1951), MBN (1982), RSM (1944)]. The spines are removed from the stems which are then softened in fire; the smooth stems are then used to make bracelets (KM (1944)]. The roots are used to treat a person who has fallen ill from ingesting pregnant women food [TS (1967), MN (1950's)] and as treatment for blood clotting (Rasethe et al., 2013). B: Asparagus species are widely used medicinally and there are a few craft uses recorded (Liengme, 1981;Mabogo, 1990;Arnold et al., 2002).

Vernacular names
Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.

Vernacular names Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.
B: The species has multiple uses including medicinal, food and ethnoveterinary uses (Mabogo. 1990;Rankoana, 2000;Arnold et al., 2002).
A: Recreational drug and flu medicine (All). The whole plant is boiled and the decoction is used to treat epilepsy [KM (1944), MBN (1982)] or, one teaspoon of the decoction is administered to ill children to treat coughs/flu [MP (1994)]. The leaves are used to treat tuberculosis (Semenya et al., 2012b;Semenya and Maroyi, 2013;Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). B: Widely used medicinally and for recreational purposes (Arnold et al., 2002;Moffett, 2010).

Vernacular names
Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.
mopherefere (Sepedi), green pepper (English) A: Mixed with food for flavour (All) and the roots are used to treat period pains (Semenya et al., 2012b;Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). B: Widely used vegetable.

Capsicum frutescens
A: Mixed with food for flavour (All). B: Has various medicinal uses in southern Africa and is a well-known cultivated crop (Liengme, 1981, Arnold et al., 2002. A: Fruit is eaten (All). The plant is used to treat erectile dysfunction (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014;Lourens et al., 2015) and diabetes mellitus (Semenya and Potgieter, 2012a). The root and tuber are used to treat gonorrhoea (Semenya et al., 2012 a, b). The fruit and root are used to carry out abortions and treat drop  and the leaves used to treat tuberculosis . B: Cultivated in other parts of Limpopo and used medicinally (Mabogo, 1990).
A: Lerotse is eaten as a fruit. The seeds are fried and eaten with a starch supplement (All) or to stimulate appetite (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014), they can also be crushed and mixed with maize powder to make kgodu (yellow pap). The fruit pulp is used to make bitter jam [JM (1997) (Tshivenda), khalavatla (Tsonga) A: The fruit is edible (All). The fruit juice is mixed with boiled water and drank as a treatment for flu or mixed with glycerine for nourishing the skin [ASS (1961), SM (1951)]. The root is used to treat malaria (Semenya et al., 2012b;Semenya and Potgieter, 2014) and the leaves are used to treat tuberculosis . B: Widely cultivated genus and used medicinally in Limpopo (Mabogo, 1990;Moffett, 2010).

Vernacular names Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.
A: The tree is used as a symbol to lay judgment in the royal yard. When a person's wrong doing are to be discussed, they are discussed under this tree [SMM (1953)]. B: Used medicinally in other parts of Africa (Arnold et al., 2002).

Vernacular names Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.
Cotyledon orbiculata L.
A: Used as medication [LM (1964), WSM (1972), TKS (1963), RSM (1944)]. The leaf is placed in the sun to dry which can take up to eight months. After drying, the leaf is crushed to powder which is used to awaken fainted patients. People suffering from lefufunyane (mentally disturbed patients) are also administered the leaf powder as snuff, believed to enable them to communicate with ancestors [MJM (1963)]. Shepherd boys play with the leaves like frisbees [MJM (1963), SMM (1953), TM (1984)]; fresh leaves are crushed and the juices are sniffed to induce sneezing to cure certain ailments [KM (1944)] or to treat aching feet [TS (1967), MN (1950's)]. The plant is believed to be sold at Faraday muthi market and is used for flu [MMS (1976)] and the root is used to treat gonorrhoea Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). B: Has various medicinal uses across Africa and the Sotho use it as a children's toy (Arnold et al., 2002;Moffett, 2010).

Crassula sarcocaulis
A: Plants can be grown in the yard around rocks, as it is a rock loving plant and the stem is used for tonsil problems [MJM (1963)]. Whole plant is cooked in water and the decoction is used as medication for pregnant women, the plant can also be chewed for constipation [KM, (1944)]. Juice from the leaves can be used to make babies stop suckling [TS (1967), MN (1950's)]. B: Is used in traditional medicines in southern Africa (Arnold et al., 2002).
A: Wood can be used to make wooden utensils [KM (1990), SMM (1953) A: The stem is used to makes straw mats (all); the whole plant is used to treat menstrual disorders Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). B: No known use records.  MBN (1982), RSM (1944)]. Currently strings from orange bags are used to weave the mats but in the olden days Acacia species (mogotho (S), lekkeruik peul (A) were used: fibres were obtained from the branches and bark to make strings that keep the mats together. The plant is grown in home garden as a sign of presence of a traditional healer [KM (1944, LM (1964, WSM (1972), RSM (1944)].

Vernacular names
Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.

Vernacular names
Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.
B: Widely used for construction and several medicinal uses (Arnold et al., 2002;Moffett, 2010 (1950's)]. The bulb is used to treat tuberculosis , blood clotting as a blood purifier treatment for chlamydia, erectile dysfunction (Erasmus et al., 2015), and the root is used to treat chest problems, STDs, mental illness and mixed with other plants and used as an aphrodisiac (Moeng, 2010). B: Widely used medicinally (Arnold et al., 2002).  MBN (1982)]. Monkeys have been observed to escape into the plant when hunted and it is used as a poison to kill enemies/people [MJM 1963]. The milky latex is mixed with bupi (mealie meal) to make tablets that are taken as a laxative [KM (1944), RSM (1944)]. The stem is used to treat breast cancer Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). B: Widely used medicinally (Mabogo, 1990;Arnold et al., 2002).
A: Plant is cultivated for its edible fruit [ALL, except MM (1987)]. The bark is used to treat tuberculosis Semenya and Potgieter, 2014) and the roots are used to treat diabetes mellitus (Semenya et al., 2012).  (Mabogo, 1990).

Vernacular names Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.
B: Animal fodder (lucerne) and widely used in traditional medicines (Arnold et al., 2002;Moffett, 2010).  (1976)] and seeds were used to play with, they were kept afloat just above the lips by gently blowing on them [MMS (1976)] and the wood is used as firewood (Rasethe et al., 2013). B: Fruits are eaten in other parts of Limpopo; timber is used in construction and the plant is widely used in traditional medicines and as an ornamental (Liengme, 1981;Mabogo, 1990;Rankoana, 2000;Arnold et al., 2002). A: The bulb is mixed with bananas and taken orally to improve sexual performance in men [LM (1964), WSM (1972), MN (1950's), RSM (1944)] and used in the same way to treat gala (ailments related to heart burn and/or acid reflux). The leaves are used to treat diabetes mellitus (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). The bulb is used to treat tuberculosis . The plant is also used to treat chest and respiratory problems, to induce vomiting (purifier) and as an aphrodisiac (Moeng, 2010). B: Used in traditional medicine by the Sotho (Moffett, 2010).  RSM (1944)] which is also used to make beverages (Rampedi, 2010); the leaves are used to treat diabetes mellitus (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014;Semenya et al., 2012a). B: Used in traditional medicine and the fruit is edible (Liengme. 1981;Mabogo, 1990;Rankoana, 2000;Arnold et al., 2002).  (Mabogo, 1990;Arnold et al., 2002). plant is used to treat erectile dysfunction Erasmus et al., 2015;Lourens et al., 2015), tuberculosis (Semenya and Maroyi, 2013b) and nose bleeding (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). B: Widely used in traditional medicine (Mabogo, 1990;Arnold et al., 2002).  A: The fruit is eaten as a delicacy (All), used to make beverages [MLS (1968), MMS (1976); Rampedi, 2010)] and to treat sexually transmitted diseases (Semenya et al., 2012a,b). Women cannot eat the red fruit as it is believed to induce menstruation [MS (1948)]. The roots are used to treat people who have urinary ailments [TS (1967), MN (1950's)], hypertension (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014), gonorrhoea (Rasethe et al., 2013), diabetes mellitus and drop . B: Fruit is edible and is used in traditional medicines (Mabogo, 1990;Arnold et al., 2002;Moffett, 2010).

Ornithoglossum vulgare B.Nord. (Colchicaceae) [22a]
A: Found one plant after a long walk; it is believed to be used by ba go phahlalatsa matsogo (traditional healers) as a powerful potion [SMM (1953) (1967)], the plant is also used to treat tuberculosis . B: Widely used in traditional medicines (Arnold et al., 2002;Moffett, 2010).  Rasethe et al., 2013] or make utensils used to crush mabhele (corn). When a baby has white spots on his face (sefala) a needle or razor is used to make short narrow cuts around the eyes and the leaves are rubbed on the baby's face [TS (1967)]. The leaves are also used to treat sefeku (unidentified ailment) [MN (1950's)]. The plant is also used to treat chest and respiratory problems and external wounds (Moeng, 2010). B: Widely used in traditional medicine (Rankoana, 2000;Arnold et al., 2002;Steenkamp, 2003;Moffett, 2010).  (Quin, 1959)]. B: The species is used in traditional medicine and the Sotho uses it in ethnoveterinary medicine and to make alcoholic beverage (Arnold et al., 2002;Moffett, 2010). B: Edible wild fruit that is also widely used in traditional medicine (Mabogo, 1990;Arnold et al., 2002;Rampedi, 2010).

Plectranthus venteri Van Jaarsv. & Hankey
A: Edible stems (All). The company, Sellati, uses the plant to make sugar [MMS (1976)]. The leaves are used to treat diarrhoea (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). B: Cultivated (Liengme, 1981). The leaves used in treatments for diarrhoea (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). The roots used to treat HIV/AIDS and the root is used for crafting (Rasethe et al., 2013). B: Widely used in traditional medicine and also a few craft uses (Arnold et al., 2002).  (Mabogo, 1990;Rankoana, 2000;Arnold et al., 2002;Rampedi, 2010).  (1944)], the bark is used to treat diarrhoea, female infertility  and blood clotting (Semenya and Potgieter, 2014) and the plant is used to treat colds and flu and to determine the gender of a baby (Moeng, 2010).

Vernacular names Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.
Solanum panduriforme E. May.  (Liengme, 1981;Mabogo;Rankoana, 2000;Arnold et al., 2002;.

Vernacular names Bapedi plant use: A = Bapedi plant uses (as recorded during this survey or in the literature); B = uses recorded elsewhere in southern Africa and the rest of the world.
Vachellia nilotica (L.) P.J.H.Hurter & Mabb.
A: Used as firewood [All except MP (1994)]; goats feed on fallen leaves [MS (1948)]. B: Used for firewood and widely used in traditional medicine (Arnold et al., 2002).
A: The cob is boiled in water and eaten as is, or the seeds (grains) are dried and ground into a fine powder on a grinding stone and turned for cooking soft porridge (All; Quin, 1959). The whole plant is also used to treat malaria (Semenya, 2012a and b;Semenya and Potgieter, 2014). B: Cultivated crop (Liengme, 1981;Moffett, 2010).

Total number of species in survey 152
Quin's (1959) thesis entitled Foods and feeding habits of the Bapedi was one of the first documentations of Bapedi plant use and remains an important historical document. His observations on the culture's agricultural practices agree closely with the data recorded in this study. Sonchus oleraceus, for example, was recorded as an edible morogo (vegetable), still enjoyed today; two different cultivars of Sorghum bicolor are still used for making porridge (grain cultivar) and for the edible stem (sweet-stemmed cultivar), eaten like sugar cane. Even though there has been increased levels of westernisation, leading to fruits being freely available at shops, wild edible fruits are still harvested at times, e.g. Ximenia caffra. Quin (1959) also noted this species and it is still regarded as a delicacy by all the participants in this study. The same applies for Vangueria infausta which has also been recorded as a wild edible plant by other cultures (Quin, 1959;Liengme, 1981;Mabogo, 1990;Arnold et al., 2002).

Quantification of Central Sekhukhuneland plant uses
The main aim of ethnobotanical studies are typically to compile a plant checklist of the useful plants of a culture and to document the ethnobotanical data as has been done above in Table 5.1. Although this type of data is very interesting and require documenting, it has recently been deemed as not being enough (Hoffman and Gallaher, 2007), especially when no indication is given of the relative importance of each of the species. In the case of the data in Table 5                The question posed in this study is whether the indigenous knowledge is diminishing through the generations with time. The results presented in Table 5.2 do not give clarity that the youth no longer show interest in traditional culture and indigenous plant use. The common perception in Central Sekhukhuneland in that the youth are no longer interested in indigenous knowledge and this has been continuously emphasized by elders during interviews. The fact that a young Bapedi man is compiling a study based on the Bapedi traditional plant use has prompted immense interest from the elders. Thus, identifying and recruiting interested elderly participants proved to be a much easier task than identifying and recruiting younger interested participants. This is apparently reflected in the age groupings in Table   5.2. It should, however, be noted that knowledge is gained from experience and knowledgeable younger persons will have less knowledge than older experienced persons. The Ethnobotanical Knowledge Index (EKI) of the various age groups will be discussed under point 5.6.1 (Average EKI according to age groups).

Popular plant species per plant use category
All the plants with an SPI value of 1, whether cultivated or harvested from the wild, have a food related plant use. Furthermore, these popular plants often have a diversity of uses. An example is Punica granatum: the leaves are used to treat stomach cramps or to stop vomiting in children and the roots are used to treat diarrhoea. Such is also the case with Opuntia ficus-indica; the species is not only used for its edible fruits but to treat gonorrhoea, diabetes and induce a woman's menstrual cycle. A very popular plant species (SPI value 1) that is also popular amongst other cultures in the Limpopo Province is Ximenia caffra. This tree is well known for its edible fruits but it is also used to treat dry lips, to soften cattle hides and as medicine to treat tonsils, amongst other things (Mabogo, 1990;Rampedi 2010).
The following three tables list all the plants mentioned in this study, arranged according to the three main plant use categories, namely food (Table 5.3), medicine (   (1959). Quin (1959) has documented 18 edible wild plants harvested and 11 crops cultivated by the Bapedi. As mentioned in Chapter 3, the Bapedi only opted to cultivate those plants which displayed desired traits e.g. drought resistant and producing high yields of the desired product (Monnig, 1967).
There are 29 (43%) edible fruits identified in this study, of which 10 are cultivated, and 19 wild-harvested.
The majority of these plants are wild-harvested as they usually serve as sustenance during long journeys and/or herding trips. There are 13 (  As seen in Table 5.5, The Bapedi are also skilful craftsmen. With 62 (40%) plant species identified as having craft uses (and other miscellaneous uses), their creative ability to build structures from natural resources is evident. Livestock is an important commodity to the Bapedi. It symbolises wealth and the more animals a man owns, the greater their symbolic value for indicating his ability to take care of his family (Monnig, 1967

Exotic plant species used in Central Sekhukhuneland
There is a high number of exotic plant species used by the Bapedi in the study area. There is a total of 55 exotic plant species identified in this study used by the Bapedi, however Acanthus montanus and  (Semenya et al., 2012b). As mentioned in Chapter 3, indigenous crops started being replaced by exotic crops due to higher product yields and better resistance to harsh environments (Quin 1959, Monning 1967. This adoption of exotics to meet cultural needs must be taken into account when proposing the eradication of weeds and invasive aliens. Lennox et al. (2012) caution against the removal of exotics because they have become important natural resources in communities . There are species with uses recorded in the literature (e.g. Acanthus montanus) that were not mentioned by participants and therefore excluded from Figure 5.1 [Acanthus montanus and Conyza scabrida are included in Table 5.1 but not in Table 5.2 beceause none of the participants recognised them or had any names or uses for them].
The exotic plant species used by the Bapedi can further be separated into three categories, namely food, medicine and miscellaneous. The food category can further be divided into two subcategories, namely cultivated exotic species and wild-harvested exotic species. An indication of the relative importance of these species is provided in Figure 5   The average SPI value of the listed exotic species is 0.7. This means that participants are very familiar with the listed exotic plants and this indicates the important role exotics play. As has been pointed out earlier in this study, the majority of work published on the Bapedi has concerntrated on traditional healers.
However community members knowledge can also be rich.    Quin (1959). As was the case with cultivated exotic plants, Quin (1959) has also recorded the majority of the wildharvested exotic plants that are documented here (Figure 5.3b). There is a close similarity between Quin's findings and my own. However, there are a few species not recorded by Quin (1959), such as Eriobotrya japonica, Lantana camara and Brassica oleracea. Lantana camara may have only recently become dominant as an invader and this may explain its absence from the study by Quin (1959). Despite the similarity between the general pattern of plant use recorded by Quin (1959) and the patterns shown here, there are some differences in detail that supports the idea that culture is dynamic and adaptive, and that new useful plants and new uses can readily be adopted when needs arise or when new resources become available. Semenya et al. (2012b recorded 41 exotic plant species and an additional four indigenous problem plants used by traditional healers to treat various ailments. It is also common for the traditional healers to mix exotics with indigenous plant species in their muthi such as mixing the roots of Opuntia ficus-indica and Ziziphus mucronata to treat drop (STI) . Not only are exotics used to treat ailments but they have proven to be highly valuable in daily living. In this study, the community participants mentioned 29 (52%) exotic plants with medicinal uses. Medical treatments range from flu to blood related ailments (e.g. diabetes). However, these uses differ markedly from the results presented by Semenya and co-workers. Traditional healers and/or herbalists are more specific in their treatments and can address serious, life-threatening ailments (e.g. HIV, gonorrhoea, syphilis, malaria, strokes etc.) (Semenya et al., 2012b, whereas community members tend to treat self-terminating ailments such as influenza, indigestion, constipation, minor wounds, and so on. This shows the gaps that

Average EKI according to age groups
Age affects knowledge levels. As illusttrated in Figure 5.4, participants were grouped into four age groups, namely senior citizens (age 55+), adults (age 30-54), young adults (age 19-29) and children (age 10-18). As can be expected, the senior age group had the highest average EKI value (0.6), followed by the adult age group with an average EKI value of 0.57. Young adults have an average EKI value of 0.48, with the children having the lowest average EKI value of 0.39 ( Figure 5.4). As expected, there is a gradual and steady increase in EKI with age that is also discussed in Chapter 6. and the danger that the cultural heritage may be lost if not properly recorded. As shown in Figure 5.4, the expected trend was found, with the youth having the lowest average EKI value (0.39), followed by young adults (EKI value of 0.48), adult (0.57) and the elders, with the highest EKI value of 0.6. However, the low average EKI value of the youth cannot be inferred to conclude that no knowledge is being transferred to the youth. The lower value may simply mean that they are still in the process of learning, as a high school child cannot be expected to possess the same knowledge as a tertiary student or adult. A steep drop from senior citizens to adults or from adults to children would have indicated that knowledge is no longer being transferred from one generation to the next. The gradual and steady increase shown in Figure 5.4 can therefore be interpreted that there is, at least in rural Bapedi communities, still an effective transfer of general plant use knowledge. It is not possible to judge the status of specialised medicinal knowledge, as this would require a different methodology and approach as to what was followed in this general quantitative ethnobotanical survey.

Comparison of Central Sekhukhuneland EKI with Agter-Hantam and Kamiesberg EKI
The matrix method has proven to be an easy yet effective tool in improving the quality of ethnobotanical studies. Not only is it useful to record large amounts of data in short time periods in a consistent and rigorous way, but it is also useful when comparing the level of indigenous knowledge ( Factors that may influence the similarities and differences in the EKI trends between the two areas are discussed below. In general, however, the two data sets are remarkably similar.  of Sekhukhuneland with the Kamiesberg data of Nortje and Van Wyk (2015).
However, there is a close similarity in the trend between the EKI values of Sekhukhuneland (SKL) and Kamiesberg (  However, almost all previously published information on Bapedi medicinal plant uses were supplied by traditional healers. It therefore seems that the high number of new records reflects the fact that many Bapedi "house remedies" or "everyday medicines for common ailments" are recorded here for the first time. There are relatively few new food use records (21), mostly due to the extensive study of Quin (1959).

Through the years only a few new crop plants have been introduced. However, invasive species such as
Lantana camara and weedy herbs such as Amaranthus species are introducing new potential food sources to the Bapedi culture, adding to the already identified food plants documented by Quin (1959).

Comparison of ethnobotanical data between the Bapedi of Central Sekhukhuneland and the Dikgale community
The Dikgale community is a group of North Sotho origin that shortly after 1700 settled in the Munnik area, about 50 km northeast of the present-day Polokwane (Rankoana, 2000). Conquered Venda and North Ndebele groups were incorporated into the tribe, and this cultural fusion distinguishes the Dikgale from the pure Bapedi. The vegetation of the Dikgale area also differs markedly from that of Central Sekhukhuneland, so that the available plant species may be an additional factor that contributes to the differences between Bapedi and Dikgale ethnobotany.
Although not yet published, the dissertation of Rankoana (2000) may provide interesting insights into the cultural changes that can be expected when two groups of common culture are geographically separated for a considerable period of time. Although Rankoana (2000) offered ethnobotanical data on 80 plant species, she did not present any quantitative data, so that the importance of the various plant species used by the Dikgale community cannot be evaluated. However, the species and their uses show many similarities, as shown in Table 5.7. To test this idea, an attempt is made here to compare, for the first time, the differences and similarities between Bapedi and Southern Sotho useful plants and plant uses (Table 5.8). Plant use records for the Bapedi came from this study but also from several references (Quin, 1959;Rampedi, 2010;Semenya et al., 2012aSemenya et al., , 2012bSemenya and Maroyi, 2013;. The data for the Sotho (Southern Sotho) came from the review of Moffett (2010), which incorporates several earlier papers. For further reading on the Basotho, refer to "Sesotho: Plant and animal names and plants used by the Basotho" (Moffett, 2010) and the more recent "Basotho medicinal plants" (Moffett, 2016  It should be noted that this study was conducted in three villages and although the data is enhanced by the work done by Semenya and co-workers, it is still incomplete when compared to the synthesis published by Moffett (2010). Despite this obvious short-coming, the analysis clearly shows that there are considerable overlap and similarities between Bapedi and Southern Sotho plant uses. The Bapedi and Southern Sotho have common ancestors tracing back thousands of years (Quin, 1959, Moteetee, 2011 also similar species used differently (9).
The above-mentioned results probably represent a small fragment of the knowledge that still resides in Once more data become available, a similar comparison in the future with traditional Zulu and Xhosa plant uses may provide a better understanding of the level and significance of the similarities between Bapedi and Southern Sotho in a wider cultural context (i.e. similarities and differences between Sotho and Nguni plant use patterns). The results presented and discussed above nevertheless give some first insights into the diversity and complexity of Bapedi ethnobotany and will hopefully serve as a starting point for more comprehensive studies in the future.
Chapter 6: General discussion

Introduction
This dissertation focuses on quantitatively documenting the Bapedi ethnobotany, where the delineation of the term ethnobotany used was that defined by Balick and Cox (1996). Central Sekhukhuneland was the focal point of interest where semi-isolated villages where selected with communities still highly dependent on natural resources for their daily needs. Field work revealed that the majority of the communities practice subsistence farming, an activity that has been documented in other publications and is still being practiced (Quin, 1959 andMonnig, 1967). As transportation is a commodity difficult and expensive to acquire, most families opt to cultivate their own food for survival rather than spending money on transport to purchase food, which is expensive, to feed their large families. Some Bapedi agricultural techniques and choice of cultivated crops are similar to other cultures in the Limpopo province, such as the VhaVenda. Cultivation similarities may be a consequence of the Bapedi migration route as they managed to conquer a number of clans from other cultures, and in the process learning their technologies and absorbing their knowledge (Quin, 1959;Monnig, 1967;Mabogo 1990 Tanzania, Zambia and Zaire and in India Cleome gynandra is eaten as a pot herb. In addition to its nutritional values, Cleome gynandra is also used in treatments for several medicinal conditions in other countries wheras the Bapedi only utilise it for its nutritional values (Mishra et al., 2011). Also, in Kenya Cleome gynandra is used as an insecticide. Intercropping Cleome gynandra amongst roses was reported to reduce the populations of red spider mites (Siluė, 2009 (Emmanuel and Didier, 2012). One such species is Cussonia paniculata (0.85). Participants explained how C. paniculata can be used medicinally, the roots can be used to treat nausea or, alternatively, the hollowed tree trunk can be used to make drums. Such a wide variety of uses are not uncommon as C. paniculata has been documented to be used for wagon brake blocks, has ornamental value and the leaves are also palatable providing fodder for livestock (Van Wyk and Gericke 2000). An interesting species with multiple uses is Boophone disticha (0.80). Though highly regarded as a traditionally important plant used during ancestral ceremonies, the leaves are also used as bandages. This plant exhibits a perfect example of the transformation in culture where the elderly would never dare touch or disturb the plant in fear of infuriating the ancestors, while the younger generations seem to have no reservations in excavating the bulb and using it medicinally.
With the development of civilisation and the spread of western technologies, many plant uses have been replaced by western technology. This is exemplified by the construction of roofs. The traditional use of thatching grass has been replaced by steel roofing, locally known as lezenke (plural mazenke) or the more common tiled roofs. Improvements such as the introduction of electricity have lifted the weight off the burden of collecting firewood for cooking and heating. Since western developments, medicinal plant use has also diminished, though traditional medicines are still locally popular. There are, however, taboos around the use of traditional healers and practitioners that have recently started to develop. Also, most  (Van Wyk, et al., 2009). All four Aloe species are important medications for blood related ailments such as diabetes and high blood pressure. Aloe arborescens and Aloe marlothii are favoured by elderly women as they use the dried leaves to make snuff or mix with their tobacco snuff. The men mix the sap from the Aloe leaves with livestock drinking water, to either strengthen the animal's immune system or to cure various ailments.
Sclerocarya birrea (SPI of 0.96), Ximenia caffra (1.00) and K. wilmsii (0.76) locally known as morula, ditshidi and mogaba, respectively, are all very popular amongst herders. Mogaba is vital to herders to stimulate maximum water intake during long walks. The significance of this traditional practise may not be easily recognised, especially in a savanna climate but this is a valuable plant use when water sources are scarce and maximum water needs to be taken in during each stop. This helps to prevent dehydration.
The majority of young adult females who participated in this study are mostly stay-at-home mothers, wives and unemployed daughters. Their knowledge of craft plants is highlighted as they would usually to having lost touch with their culture due to city life. As a result, they had forgotten most of the plant names. In some cases, however, selected plant use knowledge still persists. In this study, only two individuals, Ms Moname Tlologelo and Ms Marcia Phaphedi who moved due to education opportunities, agreed to participate in the study although they no longer lived in the villages.

The status of traditional knowledge and sustainability of the plant resources
The main hypothesis in this study was that "indigenous knowledge is incompletely recorded". This hypothesis is supported, as the study revealed 38 new species records and 185 new plant uses that are still part of everyday rural life in Central Sekhukhuneland. The main aim of this study was to capture the data in a systematic way so as to allow for future comparisons. In an attempt to achieve this aim, interviews were structured in a manner that ensured accuracy and rigour. Pre-prepared questionnaires were typed, printed out and used for every participant's interview session, thus the same questions were used for all participants. Interview prompts were also used during interviews, i.e. a flip-file with photos and, where possible or necessary, a live specimen. This eliminated the need for old people to walk long distances to point out useful plants and it also provided a means of doing field work in the dry season when the plants were not in flower. The ethnobotanical data was then scored according to the index calculations described for the matrix method (De Beer and Van Wyk, 2011). As expected, the children were found to have the lowest EKI values. In theory one may conclude that ethnobotanical data is being lost and not passed on to the younger community members. However, it is more reasonable to conclude that the children are still in the process of learning and with time their EKI may increase. JM (1997) and BG (2002)  beliefs. This is a recurring trend amongst community members, whether they still live in the villages or not. The interests in traditional knowledge are overshadowed by the need for a better life and financial security. Furthermore, although some individuals may know many species and therefore have a high score, further analysis could be conducted to determine the depth of knowledge about the species and the diversity of their uses. On more than one occasion, participants may know the name and use of a  (Emmanuel and Didier, 2012).
The use of a simple but practical quantitative approach (the matrix method) has laid the foundations for comparing plant use patterns between ethnobotanical studies that have used the same methodology.
The EKI values from this study were compared with the EKI values from De Beer and Van Wyk (2011).
It was surprising to find how similar these values were. It must be noted that in Sekhukhuneland there is a lot of developments occurring in the area. The population is highly focused on financial security and improving their lifestyles. The communities are relying less on cultural ways of life and are adopting a more western lifestyle. Hence, elders will have more knowledge than the younger generations. Young people are gradually becoming less dependent on natural resources and less interested in cultural ways of life. In the Agter-Hantam, senior citizens had an EKI value slightly lower than adults. This indicates a high probability that some of the elders in the Hantam community may have been losing their memory due to old age. An inspection of the data shows this to be true, as some aged individuals had exceptionally high scores (above 0.9), while some had exceptionally low scores. In the Sekhukhuneland survey, all senior citizens still had good memories.
From an ecological point of view, it is evident that the changes from traditional to modern plant use patterns are partly the result of environmental degradation. The population numbers in Sekhukhuneland are growing exponentially and this has an adverse effect on the flora of the area. Large areas of land are being cleared to accommodate housing developments, and an increasing number and volume of plants are being harvested for medicine, or for use in construction or as firewood. It is also likely that the intensity of grazing by cattle and goats will increase as available areas for grazing decrease in size, leading to ongoing habitat degradation. Despite the shift to western medications and technologies there is evidence that the rate of use in Sekhukhuneland is higher than the capacity of the vegetation to regenerate the resource. Encroacher species such as Lopholaena coriifolia are also causing vegetation degradation.
This competitive species is also transforming the mixed species savanna biome into simpler Lopholaena coriifolia dominated vegetation where almost nothing but this invasive species thrives. All these threats mean that the communities have fewer resources to survive on and they are increasingly looking for alternatives to traditional materials such as substitution of thatching grass with steel and tile roofing, and harvesting any available woody plants for firewood. This results in changes to the indigenous plant use practices that is likely to accelerate in future. Sekhukhuneland is an important centre of plant endemism.  (Williams et al., 2013).

Comparing the Bapedi in Central Sekhukhuneland and the Dikgale community
The conspicuous differences in plant use between the Bapedi in Central Sekhukhuneland and Dikgale community may be ascribed to several reasons. The overall environment and vegetation of the two areas differ considerably, with a larger diversity of woody elements in the latter. The Sekhukhuneland area experiences relatively drier environmental conditions and higher temperatures than the Dikgale area and has a more dominant grass component with fewer trees. The geology of the two areas also differ, giving rise to different soil types. Furthermore, there are noteworthy cultural differences. Though the Dikgale community has origins strongly rooted in the Bapedi of Sekhukhuneland, they have also assimilated some of the knowledge of the Venda and Ndebele whom they have defeated during their journey to the current location. Their interrelations between the various tribes could have also resulted in the transfer of indigenous knowledge. There is also a high possibility of plant material substitution, such as plant materials used to build kraals. The desired species may simply not have been available locally, resulting in alternative source plants to fulfil the same purpose.
Further comparisons between the two areas would most certainly reveal more interesting findings. There are however, certain limitations between the two studies that prevent further comparisons. The study in Dikgale is essentially an anthropological study and the indigenous knowledge was not quantified. There is also a certain bias towards cultivated plant species such as Zea mays, Arachis hypogea and Sorghum bicolor which have not been included into the Dikgale checklist but have been mentioned in other chapters (Chapter 2) of Rankoana (2000). A substantial volume of data has become available on the ethnobotany of the VhaVenda, Khoi-San and, the closely related cultural group to the Bapedi, the Southern Sotho.  Furthermore, as indicated in Figure 5.3, the Ethnobotanical Knowledge Index (EKI) values were observed to increase with age. It could be argued that children are expected to be less knowledgeable than their elderly counterparts but even so that should not warrant for their lack of interests in tradition ways, as observed in this study. This diminishing interest in culture has also been observed in some adults. The need for a better education and money has negatively influenced individuals interests in traditional cultural ways and most are starting to relocate, leaving behind their traditions. People have started to develop selective interests in those plant uses which are currently useful in their daily lives (e.g. weaving for trade purposes and farming for survival).
The matrix method has proved to be a practical and useful methodology to generate high quality comparative data in ethnobotanical studies. A comprehensive plant use comparison between Central Sekhukhuneland and other studies (Nortje, 2011 andDe Beer, 2011), which have used the same quantitative method, was achieved. This has added value to this study and the discipline as a whole. Lastly, thank you to all my fellow colleagues and friends at the University of Johannesburg for sharing the hardships and good times in the lives of being a student.