Stress, resilience, and coping resources in the context of war, terror, and migration

Within the transactional framework of stress, resilience may be conceptualized as a dynamic process wherein individuals, when confronted with adversity, utilize both internal and external coping resources. This article focuses on two resources, namely self-efficacy and social support, examining their roles in the context of war, terrorism, and forced migration. These resources are perceived as protective factors capable of mitigating the impact of adversity and aiding in the recovery from traumatic experiences. They facilitate individuals in reshaping their perspectives and engaging in cognitive restructuring as integral components of the coping process, ultimately leading to a rebound from adversity or even the development of higher levels of functioning post trauma. When scrutinizing the trajectories of coping resources over time, distinct mechanisms may come to the fore. A causation model posits a positive effect of resources on recovery outcomes, while an erosion model elucidates the wear and tear that ongoing adversity may inflict upon these resources. In exploring the interplay between self-efficacy and social support within the resilience process, diverse mechanisms may emerge. These include the enabling effect, where support enhances self-efficacy


Introduction: the conceptual intricacies inherent in the resilience construct
In the scientific literature, resilience is a multifaceted concept with diverse definitions, often characterized by notions of "adapting and bouncing back to previous levels of health" or "thriving and rising above adversity towards increased levels of health."It is frequently conceptualized both as an inherent trait or capacity of an individual and as a dynamic process facilitating favorable adjustments to adversity and disruptions in human functioning.
Originally, individual differences in adapting to adversity were attributed to internal personal resources such as abilities and strengths.The historical perspective has framed resilience sometimes as a binary property, categorizing individuals as either possessing or lacking the internal dispositions to face adversity.This dichotomy has assessed resilience solely based on the presence or absence of psychopathology and disorder following adversity.Internal resources, encompassing intellectual ability, temperament, autonomy, self-reliance, communication skills, and effective coping strategies, were acknowledged as instrumental in overcoming adversity [1].Traits such as hardiness, self-efficacy, sense of coherence, and dispositional optimism exemplify internal resources characterizing those deemed resilient, having rebounded from adversity to normal functioning.Subsequently, a more ecological perspective emerged, challenging the notion of resilience as a fixed trait.This viewpoint posits that resilience is better understood as a dynamic process shaped by both internal and external influences [2].Social integration and support represent external factors within this ecological approach, transforming resilience into a dynamic process rather than a static trait or outcome.
Contemporary literature delves into additional conceptual dimensions of the resilience construct, addressing antecedents, mechanisms, and consequences.This nuanced exploration contributes to a more comprehensive and integrative framework for understanding resilience [3].Antecedents encompass internal and external protective factors, necessitating a balance with internal and external risk factors.Coping is identified as a mechanism mediating between these antecedents and

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diverse consequences, potentially leading to some kind of homeostasis (reverting to pre-event normal functioning) or post-traumatic growth (progressing to higher levels of functioning).Metais et al. [3] propose resilience as a "person-situation-defined process, referring to the ability of an individual to evidence and draw support from available resources (internal and external) when confronted to adversity."This interaction itself will trigger adaptive mechanisms, therefore enabling the person to face and adjust to that very disturbing or rather-challenging adversity.The trajectory of this whole process could either lead back to similar levels of health or drive to improved levels of health.But as we are evolving living creatures, the outcome would anyhow be about a 'neo-development' (p.110).

Stressful life events, coping, and adjustment to adversity
Stressful life events exhibit a dichotomy of normative and nonnormative occurrences, with man-made crises such as war and terrorism exemplifying the latter -affecting locales worldwide daily, varying in proximity and severity.In the realm of psychology, considerable attention is devoted to understanding the factors that moderate or mediate between such adversities and subsequent mental or physical health outcomes.The exploration of stressful life events often aligns with a stimulus-based stress paradigm, scrutinizing event characteristics, contextual nuances, coping resources, and individually diverse response patterns.
The impact of threat, harm, or loss hinges on various factors, including the event's predictability, controllability, and perceived intent.On the response front, the scope encompasses illness, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), resilience, and post-traumatic growth -each offering distinct avenues for empirical examination.A holistic comprehension of the stress-health connection necessitates the consideration of mediating and moderating factors.Key among these are coping resources or strengths that possess the potential to act as a buffer against the adverse impacts of stressful life events.Within the cognitive-transactional framework of stress [4], coping is defined as the "constantly changing cognitive and behavioral efforts to manage specific external and internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the person" (p.141).This conceptualization emphasizes the dynamic nature of individuals' responses to stressors.Cognitive appraisals play a central role in the process, bringing awareness to the taxing demands spawned by encountered adversity.The primary appraisal focuses on the demands and event characteristics of a challenging situation, posing the question, 'What is at stake?' On the other hand, the secondary appraisal centers on one's resources to cope with the stress-inducing encounter, asking, 'What can I do?' Notably, it is essential to highlight that Lazarus [4] did not intend the primary appraisal to occur necessarily before the secondary appraisal, contrary to the widespread perception in the literature (R. Lazarus, personal communication).He contends that an individual's awareness of personal resources might exist before experiencing a critical event, thus rendering any chronological sequence artificial.This clarification challenges the conventional temporal sequence attributed to these appraisal processes.
Effective coping with challenges and adversity is not solely dependent on individual capacities but is also facilitated by both personal and social resources.Perceived self-efficacy serves as a personal resource, empowering individuals to navigate hardships, while social support, a crucial social resource, plays a key role in offering a network that can alleviate the impact of stressors.By systematically investigating these multifaceted dimensions, the field advances its understanding of the interplay between stressful life events and health outcomes, informing strategies for intervention and support in the face of adversity.
Psychosocial challenges stand out as the most formidable obstacles faced by populations affected by war, terror, and forced migration.Individuals grappling with compromised psychological well-being endure profound distress, rendering them susceptible to various adversities, including violence, suicidal tendencies, and compromised physical health, exacerbated by deleterious health practices such as substance abuse.The exposure to war, terror, and forced migration encompasses a spectrum of traumatic experiences, spanning feelings of insecurity, witnessing extreme violence, family separation, and incarceration.In a review [5], drawing insights from an array of 13 cross-sectional or qualitative studies, a comprehensive spectrum of individual and socio-environmental factors influencing the resilience of Ukrainian refugees and internally displaced persons was delineated.These factors encompassed a diverse range, spanning both risk and protective elements.Additionally, the study identified five primary categories of coping strategies employed by these individuals: emotion-focused strategies, problemfocused strategies, avoidance, faith-based strategies, and those rooted in a sense of belonging.The enduring impact of war trauma and its associated stressors was underscored, as the repercussions persist beyond the confines of the war zone, manifesting in distressing physical and psychological reactions.Noteworthy individual and socio-environmental risk factors, such as mental disorders, financial instability, the experience of having relatives wounded or displaced, and acclimating to an unfamiliar environment, emerged as influential determinants affecting the risk and severity of psychological difficulties.This underscores the role of coping strategies, social connections, faith-based mechanisms, self-efficacy, and cultural resilience in navigating and mitigating the challenges posed by war-induced trauma and stressors.The exploration presented in this review emphasizes the multidimensional nature of factors impacting resilience among individuals affected by conflict-induced displacement.
In the following sections, more detail on self-efficacy as an example of personal coping resources as well as social support as an example of social coping resources is presented.

Internal coping resources: self-efficacy
Perceived general self-efficacy [6] encapsulates an individual's optimistic self-belief in their ability to exert control over a broad spectrum of challenging or novel tasks and navigate through adverse events.This construct represents an individual's overarching or contextually specific conviction regarding their capacity to effectively coordinate skills and abilities in the face of demanding situations.Crucially, the deployment of adaptive strategies is not solely contingent on actual competence but hinges significantly on an individual's optimistic self-beliefs in their competence.When individuals lack faith in their potential for successful action, they are less inclined to engage in adaptive strategies.Consequently, it is not merely actual competence that serves as a sufficient prerequisite for action, rather, the central factor is an individual's perceived competence for efficacious action.Individuals endowed with high self-efficacy exhibit a proclivity for pursuing more ambitious goals and selecting tasks of greater challenge.Once initiated, their actions are characterized by heightened effort, a prolonged perseverance in the face of obstacles, and a swifter recovery from setbacks when compared to those with lower self-efficacy.Furthermore, individuals with high self-efficacy exhibit a sustained commitment to their goals.The influence of self-efficacy extends beyond goal pursuit, profoundly impacting the experience of stress and depression in threatening or arduous situations.It is essential to underscore that the impact on well-being emanates not from the inherent stressful conditions but rather from the perceived inability to effectively cope with them.In essence, perceived self-efficacy emerges as a potent determinant, shaping individuals' responses to challenging circumstances and exerting a profound influence on their psychological resilience and well-being.
Self-efficacy plays a crucial role in understanding how individuals navigate and cope with traumatic experiences, particularly in the context of military conflict, war, and terrorism.A number of studies have explored the role of resilience and personal coping resources in the context of adverse experiences related to war, terror, and migration.A comprehensive examination of the literature [7] delved into the empirical foundation concerning the interplay between self-efficacy and the psychological and somatic ramifications of collective traumatic events.This systematic review meticulously scrutinized twentyseven studies, encompassing both adult and adolescent survivors of acute, escalating, and chronic collective trauma, aggregating a substantial participant pool of N = 8011.The cross-sectional investigations disclosed noteworthy findings, suggesting moderate-to-substantial positive effects of self-efficacy on various outcome measures.Specifically, these encompassed a reduction in general distress, as well as mitigated the severity and frequency of PTSD symptoms (weighted r values ranging from -.36 to -.77).In contrast, the longitudinal studies proffered insights into more protracted effects, revealing sizable positive impacts of self-efficacy on both general distress and the severity of PTSD symptoms (weighted r values ranging from -.55 to -.62).Furthermore, the review illuminated a noteworthy association between self-efficacy and enhanced somatic health outcomes.This was evidenced through self-reported symptoms, indicating a discernible amelioration in aspects such as diminished pain, fatigue, and disability.The collective findings underscore the role of self-efficacy in mitigating the psychological and somatic aftermath of collective traumatic experiences, thereby contributing valuable insights to the burgeoning body of literature in this domain.
The conflict in Ukraine, stemming from the Russian invasion of 2022, has emerged as a focal point for some empirical investigations into coping resources.This geopolitical event has catalyzed scholarly research aimed at comprehending and analyzing the coping mechanisms employed by individuals and communities affected by the ongoing crisis.In a survey study [8], an exploration into subjective well-being among 593 students residing in Ukraine was undertaken.This investigation delved into a myriad of individual factors encompassing hope, optimism, resilience, post-traumatic growth, and coping strategies, while also scrutinizing contextual predictors such as experiences of living under occupation, an actively hostile home environment, and frequent relocations.The survey instrument was designed to encompass a spectrum of inquiries, ranging from life satisfaction to probing dimensions such as hope, optimism, personal post-traumatic growth, resilience, and coping strategies.Notably, the study disclosed that 34.7% of participants reported a degree of dissatisfaction with their own lives.A noteworthy majority exhibited minimal-to-mild hopelessness, with 88.7% falling within this spectrum, and a substantial 60.9% demonstrated high-to-moderate levels of optimism.Further analysis unveiled that a significant portion of the participants experienced moderate and high levels of post-traumatic growth (51.9% and 6.7%, respectively) and resilience (46.0% and 14.5%, respectively).The interplay of optimism, hope, resilience, post-traumatic growth, utilization of emotional support, and the unique circumstance of life under occupation emerged as robust predictors influencing life satisfaction within this cohort of Ukrainian students amidst the ongoing conflict.In essence, the findings from this survey shed light on the dynamics influencing the subjective well-being of students in Ukraine during these tumultuous times.By examining both individual and contextual factors, the study provides a multifaceted understanding of the interplay between psychological attributes and external circumstances, contributing insights to the broader discourse on the resilience of individuals in conflict zones.
Wars exert profound and far-reaching effects not only within the immediate theater of conflict but also extend their impact beyond the borders of the nations directly involved.A study delving into the psychological repercussions of the war in Ukraine systematically explored these consequences in Poland [9].This investigation involved the participation of 1245 citizens who responded to online surveys at two distinct temporal points -early February and August 2022.Upon statistical analysis, accounting for influential sociodemographic factors, the presence of stress-inducing experiences linked to the COVID-19 pandemic, and other significant life events, the study unearthed a compelling finding.Specifically, it revealed that the sense of a country's mastery, denoting the belief in the government, its major institutions, and citizens' ability to adeptly navigate diverse emergencies and crises, emerged as a protective factor.Furthermore, akin to this collective sense of national mastery, individuals who exhibited confidence in their personal mastery -manifested through their belief in their capacity to exert control over life's challenges -experienced lower levels of distress and reported higher subjective well-being.This interplay between personal empowerment and confidence in institutional resilience underscores the profound impact of one's own psychological outlook on well-being during times of existential security threats and warfare.In essence, the study illuminates the critical role played by an individual's sense of mastery, both at the personal and national levels, along with a profound trust in the resilience of governmental and public institutions.These psychological dimensions emerge as indispensable factors in effectively navigating the challenges posed by security threats and wars, shedding light on the intricate dynamics that shape human responses in such tumultuous contexts.

External coping resources: social support
Beyond individual reservoirs of strength, an extensive body of research has delved into social resources, notably social support, as factors influencing adaptation to stress and significant life events.Broadly perceived, social support serves as a mitigating force in navigating adversity and recuperating from traumatic experiences.It emerges as a potential reservoir of feedback, enabling individuals to reconfigure their perspectives and undergo cognitive restructuring as part of the coping process.
Social support manifests in diverse forms, encompassing both emotional and instrumental dimensions, and can be categorized based on whether it is perceived or received.Perceived support pertains to the anticipation of available assistance in the face of stress, whereas received support denotes the assistance actually received during challenging circumstances.
In essence, social support represents a dynamic and multifaceted resource that plays a role in shaping individuals' responses to stress and trauma.The interplay between anticipated and actual support, as well as the varying forms it takes, contributes to the landscape of social resources in the context of adaptive responses to life challenges.A comprehensive exploration of these social dynamics adds depth to our comprehension of how individuals draw upon interpersonal networks to bolster resilience and foster recovery in the face of adversity.
Recent research has provided some evidence elucidating the interplay between social coping resources and resilience, health, and overall well-being within the milieu of war, terrorism, and forced migration [10][11][12][13][14].This body of work systematically explores and substantiates the pivotal role that social coping resources play in shaping individuals' adaptive capacities and the broader impact on their physical and psychological states amid the challenging circumstances of conflict, terror, and involuntary displacement.
In a comprehensive review [15], an exploration into the psychosocial tribulations and potential ameliorative strategies was conducted among civilians in Ethiopia's Amhara region, subjected to the ravages of war.Drawing insights from an extensive compilation of 53 studies, the findings unveiled a spectrum of psychosocial predicaments affecting war-affected individuals.These included challenges such as displacement, deprivation of basic survival needs, societal upheaval, exposure to violence, and the manifestation of mental health issues such as depression, psychosis, PTSD, anxiety, and substance misuse, alongside behavioral disturbances.The research also shed light on a range of psychosocial support mechanisms serving as mitigating strategies for warinduced psychosocial problems.These encompassed psychiatric support, counseling services, targeted training programs, advocacy initiatives, practical assistance, community education efforts, mobilization endeavors, task force formations, identification of vulnerable groups, and the development of a structured psychosocial support pyramid.This analysis provides an understanding of the multifaceted challenges faced by war-affected populations and delineates effective strategies to address their psychosocial well-being.
The enduring and complex conflict between Palestine and Israel remains a source of profound human suffering, marked by death and widespread destruction.Preceding the major 2023 terror attack, an investigation [16] delves into the ramifications of prolonged siege conditions on mental well-being, resilience, and social support within a cohort of 550 Palestinian university students residing in the Gaza Strip.The youth in Gaza find themselves uniquely impacted by a confluence of challenges, including an unrelenting economic recession, a disrupted environment, and pervasive health and food insecurity.The research instrument employed encompassed a survey featuring the Gaza Siege Checklist, Depression, Anxiety, and Stress Scale, Resilience Scale, and Berlin Social Support Scales.Within the study's framework, social support and resilience were identified as protective factors, offering a buffer against the deleterious effects of living under prolonged siege conditions.The findings indicated that the experience of enduring siege conditions exerts direct adverse effects, resulting in heightened mental distress, characterized by increased levels of anxiety, depression, and acute stress.Importantly, the protracted siege conditions compromise both resilience and the availability of social support networks, thereby escalating the risk of developing severe psychological distress.This study unravels a disconcerting reality wherein the harsh circumstances of living under siege not only directly impact mental wellbeing but also erode the very factors that could serve as protective mechanisms.The findings underscore the need for interventions that address both the immediate mental health challenges and the underlying factors contributing to the vulnerability of individuals subjected to protracted conflict and siege conditions.
Migrants encounter a myriad of stressors, including the persistent challenges of securing employment and establishing a new social network.Prolonged unemployment, coupled with a lack of social support, can lead to enduring negative affect.A longitudinal investigation focused on a cohort of 235 East Germans who underwent a significant life transition after relocating to West Berlin in 1989 following the collapse of the communist system [17].The study spanned three assessments over a twoyear period, scrutinizing the trajectory of anxiety and depression levels among these individuals.Initially, anxiety and depression levels were notably elevated, reflecting the inherent challenges of the migration process.However, over time, a discernible decline in these mental illness indicators was observed.A substantial proportion of the migrants successfully secured employment during this transitional period, facilitating psychosocial adaptation.Notably, those who remained unemployed experienced a more pronounced decline in well-being.Crucially, the interplay between stress and negative affect was nuanced by the presence of social support.In the subset of migrants grappling with prolonged joblessness, social support emerged as a longitudinal buffer, mitigating the impact of stressors on mental well-being.At the third assessment wave, individuals who found themselves both jobless and lacking social support reported the highest levels of anxiety and depression.A longitudinal causal model further elucidated the dynamics at play, revealing that migrants' lack of employment primarily influenced negative affect, and the relationship between negative affect and less support unfolded over time, emphasizing the interdependence of employment status, social support, and mental well-being in the context of migration.These findings offer insights into the multifaceted nature of the migrant experience, shedding light on the role of employment and social support in shaping long-term psychological outcomes.
The dynamics of social support manifest as a double-edged sword, as illuminated by a recent study scrutinizing the role of perceived support amidst the military conflict in Ukraine [18].In the period spanning from September to October 2022, a cohort of 223 Ukrainians participated in a survey, encompassing an array of measurements, including symptoms of peritraumatic experiences, depression, perceived social support, resilience, and various other factors.Perceived social support emerged as a predictor of heightened peritraumatic experiences.This implies that when social support emanates from one's intimate circle of family and friends, it might inadvertently lead to a heightened exposure to the stressors of war.This heightened exposure is facilitated through the reciprocal sharing of ongoing war experiences -a shared burden that, in the absence of any resolution in sight, might exacerbate the peritraumatic distress experienced by individuals.This phenomenon, denoted as the "war stress sharing deterioration effect," posits that perceived social support, when sourced from individuals facing the same awful reality, could potentially compound the peritraumatic distress experienced by individuals.In essence, the study unravels a paradoxical dimension wherein the very support intended to alleviate psychological distress may inadvertently contribute to an escalation of stressors, underscoring the complexity of social dynamics in the context of conflict.This adds to a similar finding.In a study on 56 Israeli women [19] whose loved ones were mobilized into the Israeli Defence Forces, social support exhibited a positive correlation with increased psychological distress.These unforeseen results regarding social support are attributed to a phenomenon akin to a 'pressurecooker' effect, where the rapid dissemination of war rumors heightened exposure to the distress of others among women with closer interpersonal relationships.Alternatively, social support may have had an adverse effect on women with high self-esteem, as they may have preferred to autonomously tackle life's challenges.This nuanced understanding offers valuable insights into the intricacies of social support systems during times of war and their potential unintended consequences on the mental well-being of individuals grappling with the harsh realities of military conflict (see also [20,21]).
The prevailing body of research on social support in adversity commonly underscores the positive impact of social integration, perceived support availability, and received assistance.While there is established evidence supporting the notion that stress can activate social support within one's network (causation model), it is equally crucial to acknowledge the potential counterdirectionality -wherein stress may lead to a reduction in support due to factors such as depression or posttraumatic stress (erosion model).This decline might occur when the social network becomes fatigued by continuous assistance or when the distressed individual becomes less appealing to potential helpers.Consequently, exploring either the causation or erosion of support as outcomes of post-traumatic experiences represents a pertinent avenue for further investigation.
In alignment with this bidirectional perspective, an examination of the longitudinal interplay between PTSD and social support among survivors of large-scale trauma has been undertaken [22].This study delves into the relationships between PTSD and perceived social support across a 14-year follow-up within a sizable sample of a terror-exposed cohort.The investigation draws on data from 23 165 World Trade Center Health Registry (WTCHR) enrollees who experienced the 9/11 attacks in New York.The analysis revealed an inverse relationship between PTSD symptoms and social support.Specifically, PTSD at Wave 2 predicted a decrease in social support at Wave 3, and PTSD at Wave 3 predicted a subsequent reduction in social support at Wave 4. Intriguingly, the converse was also observed -social support at Wave 3 decreased PTSD symptoms at Wave 4. These findings substantiate a bidirectional effect between PTSD symptoms and social support in a longitudinal exploration of the trauma-exposed population, providing empirical support for the coexistence of both the causation and erosion models.

Reciprocal dynamics in coping resources: investigating bidirectionality and interdependence between self-efficacy and social support
This section addresses the mechanisms governing coping resources, focusing on their bidirectionality and interdependence.Within coping resources, trajectories often diverge.The causation model of social support emphasizes its main or buffering effects on outcomes such as well-being, adaptive coping, and recovery from trauma or illness.In contrast, the erosion model posits that adverse circumstances and depression can lead to a decline in received social support over time.
Similarly, the causation model of self-efficacy underscores the impact of optimistic self-beliefs on successfully tackling challenging tasks.Conversely, the erosion model manifests when performance failures undermine one's confidence in coping abilities.The bidirectionality of coping resources is contingent upon contextual factors and evolves over time.
Between social support and self-efficacy, two observable mechanisms frequently emerge: the enabling hypothesis (social support facilitating self-efficacy) and the cultivation hypothesis (self-efficacy maintaining and nurturing social support).Empirical support for the enabling hypothesis is evident in studies on recovery from traumatic stress, where perceived social support yields favorable outcomes when coupled with higher perceived self-efficacy.Research [23] highlights that social support, when associated with elevated self-efficacy, transcends being a mere protective cushion against environmental demands.Instead, support providers actively contribute to an individual's self-regulation, enhancing adaptive capabilities to confront challenges and overcome adversity.The enabling function of support is particularly pronounced when received from individuals adept at dealing with the same stressor, providing an opportunity for vicarious experiences.
In addition to the enabling function, the cultivation of self-efficacy stands out as a crucial mechanism in the stress and adaptation process.Serving as a foundation for support, self-efficacy drives self-regulatory social activities.Individuals, buoyed by strong self-efficacy, take proactive steps, initiating social contacts, and investing effort to enhance and extend their social networks.This is the cultivation hypothesis [24].Within this complex interplay, the enabling hypothesis posits that social support can evoke self-efficacy, fostered through mechanisms such as encouragement.Conversely, the cultivation hypothesis suggests that individuals with higher self-efficacy are inclined to mobilize more social support from their networks [25,26].

Conclusions
In the context of trauma resulting from military conflict, coping resources such as social support and self-efficacy become significant determinants of an individual's psychological well-being and resilience.The exposure to war-related stressors and the potential for encountering life-threatening situations can profoundly impact one's sense of control, competence, and social networks.High levels of self-efficacy and/or support may empower individuals to confront and adapt to the challenges posed by trauma, fostering a more resilient response.
Research suggests that individuals with greater self-efficacy are more likely to employ adaptive coping mechanisms when faced with traumatic events associated with military conflict.This can include seeking social support, utilizing problem-solving skills, and maintaining a positive outlook despite the adversity.On the contrary, those with lower self-efficacy may struggle to effectively manage the emotional and psychological aftermath of trauma, leading to a heightened risk of developing PTSD or other mental health issues.
In the aftermath of war or terror-related trauma, interventions aimed at bolstering self-efficacy and social networks can prove instrumental in promoting psychological recovery.Psychotherapeutic approaches, such as cognitive-behavioral therapy, often incorporate strategies to enhance self-efficacy by helping individuals reframe negative thought patterns, develop coping skills, and regain a sense of control over their lives.
Nevertheless, it is imperative to acknowledge potential adverse consequences associated with social support, contingent on specific circumstances, exemplified by the "war stress sharing deterioration effect" [18].Furthermore, understanding the role of collective efficacy within communities affected by military conflict is essential.Communities with a shared belief in their collective ability to cope, recover, and rebuild may exhibit higher levels of resilience and social cohesion, fostering a supportive environment for individuals dealing with trauma.
In conclusion, the relationship between social support, selfefficacy, and trauma resulting from military conflict is a complex and multifaceted area of study.Recognizing the impact of individual and collective beliefs in one's ability to overcome adversity is crucial for developing effective interventions and support systems for those who have experienced the profound effects of war and terrorism.
When investigating the longitudinal effects of coping resources such as social support and self-efficacy, it is imperative to remain vigilant regarding emergent mechanisms within each resource and the dynamic interactions between them.This exploration contributes to a deeper understanding of the reciprocal dynamics shaping the trajectory of internal and external coping resources over time.