Vicarious traumatization: implications for the mental health of health workers?
Introduction
Healthier workplaces have been identified as part of recent government initiatives in the UK (Department of Health, 1998), with one of the aims being to “ensure that people are protected from the harm to their health that certain jobs can cause” (p. 51). The mental and physical health of UK National Health Service (NHS) staff has also recently been discussed in a government consultation paper (Department of Health, 1999), which highlights the importance of prioritizing good-quality working lives for NHS staff in aiming to provide good quality of care for patients. Similarly, in the United States and other countries around the world, occupational health projects are highlighted as important both for staff well-being, productivity, and performance (National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health [NIOSH], 1999). Research reported by NIOSH (1999) suggests that between 26% and 40% of workers find their jobs often stressful and the effects of work stress on health are well documented. People working in the caring professions are among the occupational groups identified as being at high risk of work stress (Smith, Brice, Collins, Matthews, & McNamara, 2000). Research on occupational stress in health service staff have found levels of stress and minor psychiatric disorder to be higher in the NHS than for other occupational groups in the UK Borrill et al., 1998, Wall et al., 1997.
A number of explanations could be given for the high levels of staff stress and psychiatric disorder in health service staff and include aspects of organizations, job role, demands and characteristics (Borrill et al., 1998), workload (Wheeler, 1998), work environment (Briner, 2000), or individual personality characteristics (Zellars, Perrewe, & Hochwarter, 2000). It is possible that several of these general occupational factors combine to cause working in the health service to be inherently stressful (Leary et al., 1995) and could account for these findings. However, there may be specific aspects of working within a health service itself, such as the caring nature of the work, which could be involved in increasing staff stress. Such a role involves talking and listening to patients and carers, many of whom might be significantly distressed, as part of everyday work. Figley (1995a) has recognized this aspect of healthcare work and states, “There is a cost to caring. Professionals who listen to clients' stories of fear, pain and suffering may feel similar fear, pain and suffering because they care” (p. 1). Therefore, it is likely that it is not just organizational or workplace factors that contribute to stress and ill health in healthcare workers, but also the aspects of the type of work that they are required to do.
Unfortunately, few data exist relating work stress to either the nature of the caring role or the characteristics of the care groups looked after and their clinical problems. For example, Melchior, Bours, Schmitz, and Wittich (1997) conducted a meta-analysis of variables related to burnout in psychiatric nursing and noted the lack of studies that looked at the impact of working with certain groups of patients. Staff stress studies often group staff in terms of their profession (Wall et al., 1997) or location (Carson, Leary, de Villiers, Fagin, & Radmall, 1995) when assessing mental health or burnout, without taking into account the types of patients or client groups the staff work with. An exception to this is where staff groups have been exposed either to death and dying (Wheeler, 1998) or to emergency situations and trauma generally (Figley, 1995a). With respect to the latter, considerable evidence exists (e.g., Hodgkinson & Stewart, 1991) to indicate that emergency services personnel may be traumatized due to the nature of their work, particularly following a major traumatic incident. Alexander and Atcheson (1998) found that 48% of nursing and medical staff from departments dealing with physical trauma (accident and emergency, intensive treatment, orthopaedic, and plastic surgery units) experienced emotional difficulties due to work. Moreover, it is also possible that healthcare workers who deal with the emotional aftereffects of traumatic experiences may also be affected negatively, and it is this issue that forms the focus of this review.
The DSM-IV diagnostic criteria for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) acknowledges that learning about traumatic events experienced by a family member or a close friend can in itself lead to symptoms of PTSD (American Psychiatric Association, 1994, p. 424). Similarly, some have argued that such symptoms might also arise in therapists exposed to narratives of traumatic events. The potential adverse impact of working directly with clients who have histories of trauma (including sexual and physical abuse, experiences of military combat, and single traumatic incidents) has been discussed within the psychological literature for at least two decades, using a wide number of definitions and concepts. These terms include “burnout,” “compassion fatigue,” “secondary traumatic stress” (STS), and, more recently, “vicarious traumatization” (VT). Many of these terms have also been used interchangeably. In this review, VT has been broadly defined and encompasses the concept of “secondary traumatization/traumatic stress.” The term “trauma work” is used to describe working with clients who have experienced traumatic events (both physical and psychological) and have subsequent psychological difficulties.
There have been claims of wide-ranging and potentially severe consequences of VT, with authors such as Pearlman and Saakvitne (1995a) asserting that “the effects of vicarious traumatization are widespread; its costs are immeasurable” (p. 281), and suggesting that “Vicarious traumatization can affect anyone who engages empathically with trauma survivors—journalists, police, emergency room personnel, shelter staff, prison guards, clergy, attorneys, researchers etc.” (p. 281). Statements such as this have been taken very seriously and resulted in a number of publications discussing the impact of VT (e.g., Blair & Ramones, 1996, Clark & Gioro, 1998, Neumann & Gamble, 1995, Sexton, 1999, Stamm, 1997) along with self-help books and chapters for professionals who experience it Herbert & Wetmore, 1999, Saakvitne & Pearlman, 1996. In contrast, the evidence base to support either the existence or prevalence of VT is modest, to say the least, and will be reviewed later. Similarly, few studies have examined the construct validity of VT and associated concepts (Jenkins & Baird, 2002). Accordingly, it might be argued that the prominence given to VT may be premature and not supported by the evidence.
Lessons learnt from the literature surrounding “psychological debriefing” following traumatic events suggest the importance of accumulating and critically evaluating a body of research evidence before devising interventions to treat or prevent it (Rose, Bisson, & Wessley, 2002). Concerned organisations implemented debriefing programs for a range of different types of traumas before there was sufficient robust research evidence for the effectiveness of this treatment Raphael et al., 1995, Rose et al., 2002. When randomized controlled trials were carried out, there was little consistent evidence for debriefing reducing later PTSD (Rose et al., 2002) and some evidence that debriefing may actually be more harmful than helpful Bisson et al., 1997, Hobbs et al., 1996. Drawing on this experience, we therefore realize the importance of assessing the evidence for VT before implementing training programs or organizational schemes to address it.
Even if the existence of VT can be established, the question remains whether we need a new construct to describe these various symptoms of distress arising from involvement in trauma work. Although it is possible that VT could be a very important factor in the well-being of health service staff, it is also possible that the effects reported could be generally related to the demands of a stressful job and therefore the action needed to address this may be different. Moreover, it has been argued controversially that PTSD itself might best be conceptualized as socially constructed rather than psychopathological (Summerfield, 2001), and that psychological debriefing may “medicalise” normal distress (Rose et al., 2002). VT, therefore, might also be seen as an unhelpful and inappropriate pathological descriptor for normal distress that arises from hearing traumatic material while fulfilling a caring role. To label this distress as PTSD-related symptoms might also further stretch the diagnostic limits regarding PTSD and the requirement that, generally, individuals need to be exposed directly to trauma. This review, therefore, will attempt to disentangle VT and its proposed PTSD symptoms from alternative explanations involving normal distress to trauma and occupational stress arising within the workplace. The search strategy for the review was restricted to papers published in journals,1 peer-reviewed e-journals, and books. There were also a number of dissertations and theses that are related to VT and STS, but these have been excluded.2
Section snippets
Definition and concepts
The term “vicarious traumatization” is attributed to McCann and Pearlman (1990), who identified that working with trauma victims may cause severe and lasting psychological effects. Pearlman and Saakvitne (1995a) suggest that it is a cumulative process “through which the therapists' inner experience is negatively transformed through empathic engagement with clients' trauma material” (p. 279). It is suggested that VT can lead to changes in both self- and professional identity, one's view of the
Theoretical explanations
If an assumption is made that some form of VT might exist, it is useful to briefly consider the psychological mechanisms that might be involved by looking at aspects of the therapeutic interaction. Empathic engagement with traumatized clients may involve the therapist being exposed to graphic details, including reenactment of the trauma. The therapist also becomes a witness to the fact that humans can be intentionally cruel to one another. Hypotheses from wide-ranging theoretical backgrounds
The measurement of VT
In most studies to date, VT has been measured by questionnaire. These usually target symptoms and beliefs, although other scales are sometimes included to test specific hypotheses or to compare VT with other concepts, such as burnout, usually measured by the Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI) (Maslach & Jackson, 1986). The most common measures of PTSD symptoms that have been used in VT research are the Impact of Event Scale (IES) (Horowitz, Wilner, & Alvarez, 1979) and the Trauma Symptom
Research evidence relating to VT
Although much has been written about the effects of VT, the number of empirical studies from which this literature is derived is small, and described as being “based on the anecdotal experiences of therapists” (Sexton, 1999, p. 396). As with the development of research into PTSD, much of the earlier literature arose from therapists' experiences of working with war veterans Haley, 1974, Lindy, 1988, which also found that families of war veterans with PTSD may display similar symptoms to the
Methodological issues
A number of criticisms can be made generally of the methodology in VT research. Firstly, it is unclear whether the questionnaires used actually measure the concept of VT. Whereas the MBI (Maslach & Jackson, 1986) was designed specifically to assess the concept of burnout, there is as yet no one questionnaire that has been designed to measure the concept of VT as a whole. Pearlman (1996) suggests that the TSI Belief Scale measures disruptions in beliefs arising from vicarious exposure to trauma
How might VT be relevant to mental health workers?
In order to summarise the research on VT and its consequences for health care workers, we wish to return to the four components which were proposed in the introduction, and briefly discuss the evidence base, further research which needs to be carried out and the implications for services.
Suggestions for future research
This review has highlighted the current state of knowledge relating to VT. Several questions have emerged as being worthy of future research. Firstly, it is important to discover whether VT exists as it is currently conceptualised. The evidence to date is ambiguous and inconsistent and there have been a number of methodological issues highlighted in this review. The measures that are used to assess VT need to be further refined in order for the theory to be more specifically investigated.
Discussion of implications
As stated earlier, there is an increased awareness of the employer's responsibility to assess workplace risks to staff, and this includes mental health risks. However, many previous studies assessing the causes of staff stress have considered organisational and occupational characteristics (Wheeler, 1998) and specific aspects of the caseload have not been evaluated. Stamm (1997) reports on evidence that general health care providers, researchers, clergy, museum workers, and even those called
Summary
Research on VT to date has provided evidence that is neither clear nor consistent, but it is an area that warrants further investigation. In particular, the methodological rigor within this area could be considerably improved by attending to the construct validity of VT and its measurement, issues of sampling, and the use of prospective designs. Nevertheless, some of the findings that have emerged suggest that for some workers, exposure to trauma work results in emotional distress, which may be
Acknowledgements
This work was submitted in partial fulfillment of a Doctorate of Clinical Psychology at the University of Sheffield. We acknowledge the support of the Research and Development Directorate of Community Health Sheffield (NHS) Trust, Diana Shapiro and Teresa Hagan. We also thank Patrick Loftus for comments on this paper.
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