Ecotourism and the development of indigenous communities: The good, the bad, and the ugly

Abstract

A large part of the literature analyzing the links between biodiversity conservation and community development assumes that nature-based tourism managed by indigenous communities will result not only in conservation of natural resources but also in increased development. In practice, ecotourism has often failed to deliver the expected benefits to indigenous communities due to a combination of factors, including shortages in the endowments of human, financial and social capital within the community, lack of mechanisms for a fair distribution of the economic benefits of ecotourism, and land insecurity. Based on a review of experiences, we analyze the complex interaction among the factors shaping the success and failure of ecotourism experiences in indigenous communities, and we stress the need for a better approach to enhance the indigenous communities' livelihood possibilities coming from ecotourism, as well as to promote land tenure and communities' empowerment.

Introduction

The term ecotourism emerged in the late 1980s as a direct result of the world's acknowledgment of sustainable and global ecological practices (Diamantis, 1999). Ceballos-Lascurain (1996) articulated one of the most influential definitions of ecotourism: “traveling to relatively undisturbed or uncontaminated natural areas with the specific objectives of studying, admiring, and enjoying the scenery and its wild plants and animals, as well as any existing cultural manifestations (both past and present) found in these areas.” As ecotourism has grown in popularity, its definitions have been expanded to incorporate ideas about ecotourism responsibility, environmentally friendly destination management, and sustainable development of local human populations (Goodwin, 1996, Torquebiau and Taylor, 2009). Indeed, the last few decades have witnessed a continuous expansion of ecotourism. Ecotourism has been growing at rates of 10%–12% per year, i.e., 3 times faster than the tourism industry as a whole (IES, 2008). And more importantly, ecotourism has been embraced by many developing countries — that are home to many of the world's rare and threatened species — hoping to improve their economies in a way that is environmentally sustainable (Brooks et al., 2006).

Several arguments suggest that the development of indigenous communities is compatible with ecotourism. First, there is a significant overlap between ecotourism and the development of indigenous communities in the sense that the world's least developed areas — which are usually the most natural — coincide with the traditional homelands of indigenous people (Fisher and Treg, 2007, Goodwin, 1996, Salafsky et al., 2001); indigenous territories are usually located in peripheral areas, away from mainstream development, where indigenous land practices have maintained biodiversity in pristine or fragile ecosystems (Zeppel, 2006).¹ Second, ecotourists generally have an explicit desire to have a positive impact, i.e., to patronize local services and respect the customs of the destination hosts (Hinch, 1998, West and Carrier, 2004). Finally, indigenous communities tend to see themselves as being one with the land rather than apart from it, and to possess “traditional ecological knowledge,” i.e., “a cumulative body of knowledge, practice and belief, evolving by adaptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings with one another and with their environment” (Colding and Folke, 2000).

However, there is also the argument that the notions of conservation among indigenous communities do not necessarily coincide with those of the conservation core (Boonzaier, 1996, Meletis and Campbell, 2007). Although in some cases indigenous communities have demonstrated a much better ability to maintain forest than have non-indigenous groups, the presumption that indigenous groups are inherently environmentalist is flawed; indigenous societies have found it difficult to manage scarce resources in a sustainable way and over-utilization of natural resources has been the norm (Fennell 2008). For instance, the rate of clearing in some indigenous reserves in Amazonia is alarmingly high: in one extreme case, 11.3% of a reserve was cleared in a two-year period (Fearnside, 2005). Such evidence underlines the fact that the entire socio-cultural environment for indigenous communities is strongly tied to consumptive activities (Meletis and Campbell, 2007, West and Carrier, 2004). It could therefore be argued that an ecotourism scheme that precludes indigenous communities from undertaking the consumptive activities that they normally engage in could result in a great deal of unhappiness and frustration, especially if the profitability of ecotourism is not as large as expected (Belsky, 1999, Koening and Juska, 2006).

In spite of this somewhat discouraging argument, the international development community has been motivated to use ecotourism to improve the economic welfare of indigenous people by forming a symbiotic relationship between tourism, indigenous communities, and natural areas (Stronza and Gordillo, 2008, Zeppel, 2006). To protect both people and their homes areas, government authorities have legitimized indigenous communities' role in the overall management of protected areas. Unfortunately, they usually face several constraints that prevent them from being successful, and in practice ecotourism has failed to deliver the expected benefits to indigenous communities (Agrawal and Redford, 2006, Barrett et al., 2001, Blaikie, 2006).

Studies analyzing the experiences of indigenous communities managing ecotourism ventures (e.g., Bookbinder et al., 1998, Brooks et al., 2006, Charnley, 2005, Salafsky and Margoluis, 1999, Salafsky et al., 2001, Zeppel, 2006) have shown that if ecotourism is meant to promote sustainable development in indigenous communities, some fundamental conditions must be met. First, the economic benefits of ecotourism must be accessible to the target population. Second, indigenous communities need secure land tenure over the area in which ecotourism takes place. Third, ecotourism must promote deeper social and political justice goals to local communities, as well as the capability to make land use decisions for that area. If left unaddressed, these aspects restrict peoples' ability to enjoy the economic benefits of ecotourism (Charnley, 2005).

In the present paper, we address these interlinked issues. We review empirical evidence from for example economics, anthropology, political science, and geography on the relationship between biodiversity conservation, local communities' development, and ecotourism. The analysis covers ecotourism in indigenous communities' experiences around the world over the last 20 years. We focus mainly on developing countries, and in particular on Latin America, Africa, and Southeast Asia. We analyze the various symbiotic and antagonistic effects, with special emphasis on the ecological and economical sustainability of integrated conservation and development ecotourism projects (ICDP).

The paper is organized as follows. Section 2 discusses the role of ecotourism by indigenous communities as a strategy to promote biodiversity conservation and local development. Section 3 discusses the factors affecting the capabilities of indigenous communities to capture the economic benefits of ecotourism. Section 4 discusses the lack of community control over land and resources as a major constraint to success. Section 5 discusses the effects of the lack of political empowerment preventing indigenous communities from having an effective voice in land management planning and decision-making, which has a major impact on their well-being. Finally, Section 6 concludes the paper.