Food Quality Changes and Implications: Evidence from the Rice Value Chain of Bangladesh
Introduction
Food value chains are being transformed worldwide, given changing consumption patterns, and the increasing insistence on food quality and safety (World Bank, 2007). These changes are also happening in a number of developing countries (see, for example, Jaffee and Henson, 2004, Orden and Roberts, 2007, Reardon and Timmer, 2007, Swinnen, 2007, Unnevehr, 2007, World Bank, 2007), and more in particular in Asia (Mergenthaler et al., 2009, Minten et al., 2011, Pingali, 2007). However, despite the presumed importance of the transformation of food systems of developing countries, there are currently still relatively few good data and analyses of its magnitude and impacts.
Three strands of research on the transformation of food systems in developing countries can be distinguished in the recent literature. First, new evidence is emerging on the increasing demand for food quality by the poor (for example, Banerjee & Duflo, 2011). While economic theory would predict an increase in a demand for the cheapest calories when calorie-insufficient households are given a choice, new research shows that even the poor increasingly seem to prefer food quality and taste over quantity (Deaton and Drèze, 2009, Jensen and Miller, 2008). This change in preference may be driven by the decline of heavy physical work, improvement in transportation, increasing availability of motorized mills, and better access to water and sanitation, factors that could possibly contribute to lower energy requirements and more modest productivity gains from higher calorie consumption (Banerjee & Duflo, 2011).
Second, a number of authors have looked empirically at the influence of new food safety and quality requirements on poor small producers, mostly because of the emergence of new commercial channels such as export agriculture or supermarkets (Reardon et al., 2009, Jaffee et al., 2011). For example, different institutional models are emerging that successfully address these requirements, including contract farming (Minten et al., 2009, Miyata et al., 2009) and vertical integration (for example, Swinnen, 2007, Birthal et al., 2005). A significant body of research now exists that looks at income and welfare effects of these changes on producers (for example, Maertens and Swinnen, 2009, Miyata et al., 2009, Neven et al., 2009, Rao and Qaim, 2011). A common characteristic of this research is that it has largely focused on non-staple crops, rather than staples such as rice and wheat, and on the emergence of new market channels.
Third, research has been done on the distribution of the gains within value chains from this transformation because it is not well understood who actually benefits from the higher prices that consumers are willing to pay for safe, high-quality products (for example, Swinnen & Vandeplas, 2010). Some argue that midstream companies might extract the surplus through their bargaining power within the chain (for example, Unnevehr, 2000, Warning and Key, 2002, Fitter and Kaplinsky, 2001) while others have argued that improved quality standards might actually reduce transaction costs in trade and thus lead to benefits for suppliers (Henson & Jaffee, 2007). Research in this area has, however, been largely theoretical (for example, Swinnen & Vandeplas, 2010).
Based on unique recent data from the rice value chain in Bangladesh, the objective of the paper is twofold. First, we want to document important changes related to the emergence of quality differentiation that have been happening in the rice value chain in the last decade. Second, we want to understand how prices are formed along the value chain and this for different rice qualities. We do so by looking at price information for actors upstream (the farmers), midstream (the traders and the millers), and downstream (the retailers). This information allows us to understand the links between quality differentiation and price formation and thus the distribution of gains from that differentiation among the actors in the value chain. This is an important topic as Bangladesh is one of the poorest Asian countries and rice accounts for almost 70% of consumers’ caloric intake. Any changes in the performance of the value chain and in pricing of rice and paddy might affect livelihoods of a large number of poor people, on the production as well as the consumption side.
The present analysis contributes to the literature in three ways. First, we find an important change in quality, as measured through differential varietal choices, in the rice market of Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh.1 In particular, we note an important decline of the less expensive coarse rice in the past decade. We further find a doubling of the premium paid for the fine rice over the past three decades. It thus seems that the role of rice as only a cheap staple food is being redefined, even in these poor settings.
Second, we analyze data from innovative surveys we implemented at different levels in the rice value chain, from rural producers in Bangladesh to urban consumers in Dhaka. In these surveys, we make a clear distinction in food quality characteristics throughout the value chain. Such simultaneous surveys at different levels in the value chain have rarely been fielded,2 and this survey is the first for staples in traditional as well as modern value chains in developing countries. These surveys give us unique insights into the price composition in rice value chains in Bangladesh.
Third, we find that the producer share in final retail prices drops to half for the higher-priced fine rice from almost three-quarters for the lowest-priced coarse rice. Retailers and millers in particular capture most of the quality premium between farmers and urban consumers, while there are no large price differences among rice of different qualities at the farm level. Seemingly associated with the rise in quality, we further find significant changes in the milling sector in the areas surveyed, to wit, concentration in the mill sector and concomitant rise of the average scale of mill.
The structure of the paper is as follows. We first present some background information on the rice sector in Bangladesh in Section 2. Section 3 describes the data and methodology used. In Section 4, basic descriptive statistics from the primary surveys are presented. Section 5 looks at rice quality downstream in urban retail markets while Section 6 studies it upstream, at the farm level. Section 7 then explores who benefits from the increasing willingness to pay for rice quality in the value chain. We finish with conclusions in Section 8.
Section snippets
Rice in Bangladesh
The agricultural economy of Bangladesh is heavily dependent on rice. It is estimated that almost three-quarters of total cropped land in Bangladesh is devoted to paddy cultivation, and per capita rice consumption is one of the highest in the world. Based on national surveys, food grain consumption for an average person in urban and rural areas in Bangladesh is shown to have stabilized over time at about 160 and 180 kg per person per year, respectively (Bangladesh, Bureau of Statistics, 2005).
Data and methodology
The purpose of the study is to understand how quality impacts the rice value chain in Bangladesh from rural areas to the capital, Dhaka, which, along with its metropolitan area, is home to approximately13 million people.
Descriptive statistics on the rice value chain
Table 1 presents some descriptive statistics of the sample of rice value chain agents.10 A total of 470 interviews were conducted. The data show large variability within the chain. For example, significant variation in capital
Rice quality downstream in the value chain
We first want to understand the quality premium downstream before we study how the rewards for quality are transmitted to producers and the rest of the value chain in the next sections. We rely on two sources of information to analyze the rewards for rice quality in retail markets in Dhaka. First, we use secondary information on prices that have been collected over the past three decades by the Bangladeshi government. Second, we use price observations of a sample of traditional as well as
Rice quality upstream in the value chain
We start with price information obtained from all commercial rice transactions reported by the interviewed farmers in the year prior to the survey. We first present a parsimonious regression model, wherein paddy prices are explained only by quality indicators (Table 4). To explore which other determinants, on top of the rice quality characteristics, are associated with price formation, we also run a long model that includes characteristics of the transactions as well as of the selling household.
Who in the value chain benefits from the willingness to pay for rice quality?
The obvious question is, then, if not the producer, who in the value chain benefits from the quality premium in retail markets? To study this, we rely on sales price information for all rice varieties, paddy varieties, and brands that were for sale at the time of the survey and that were asked for at all levels in the value chain. We do a regression analysis with these sales prices as the dependent variable and with value chain agent dummies interacted with coarse, medium, and fine rice paddy
Conclusions
The impact of the changing demand for food quality on food systems in developing countries is not yet well understood. Most of the existing literature has looked at the impact of modern channels (export markets or modern retail) and has mostly focused on their effects on producers or solely on non-staple products. In this paper, we look at the case of rice in Bangladesh and study changes in rice quality, based on unique surveys fielded at different levels of the value chain: upstream,
Acknowledgments
The study was financed by the Asian Development Bank (through the 13th Reta grant)—which funded the survey—and by IFPRI’s Policy Research and Strategy Support Program in Bangladesh (funded by USAID). We would like to acknowledge the support and guidance as well as the stimulating questions from Akhter Ahmed, Lourdes Adriano, and Ashok Gulati. We would further like to thank Data Ltd for the data collection and Gopal Naik, Sukhpal Singh, and Grahame Dixie and participants at workshops in Delhi
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