Cyber state capacity: A model of authoritarian durability, ICTs, and emerging media

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Highlights

  • Develops cyber state capacity (CSC) as a theoretical model for analyzing ICTs role in government power.

  • Builds on models of authoritarian consolidation of power and state capacity.

  • Discusses political uses and consequences of using ICTs, including bots and propaganda programs.

  • A case-study of Egypt and Saudi Arabia leading up to Arab Spring using the CSC model.

  • ICT systems can bolster government power, as well as provide economic and entertainment benefits that may pacify grievances.

Abstract

In this article, I developed the theoretical concept of cyber state capacity (CSC). Advancing Gobel's (2013) theoretical model of information and communication technologies (ICTs) and authoritarian consolidation, I introduced the theoretical propositions of CSC, which help explain how governments use information and communication technological systems to maintain stability, development, and stay in power. Well established, durable regimes have implemented ICT infrastructures that rival advanced democracies, yet the wave of liberalization that was expected to occur has not. After lying out the theoretical concepts, I conducted a qualitative case illustration to analyze the state enhancing or weakening ICT environments in Egypt and Saudi Arabia in the years leading up to, and at the time of, the Arab Spring. Developed ICT systems can bolster government power through sophisticated surveillance and propaganda operations, as well as providing economic and entertainment benefits that may contribute to placating individuals' motivations for increased political concessions.

Introduction

The idea of developed information and communication systems and authoritarian government survival had been doubted by many, especially since the public rollout of the internet. The open and free-flowing nature of information and communication online was supposedly nearly impossible to contain. As such, some viewed people-powered democracy as a powerful social-trend (Shirky, 2008). Nearly three-decades into the internet era, however, authoritarianism has not only survived, but arguably has thrived (Cowen, 2017a; Diallo, 2017). By and large, authoritarian states have implemented information and communication technologies (ICTs) at high rates and have nearly caught up with many advanced democracies (World Bank, 2016). Yet, autocracies persist. While a solid and growing body of research on the dynamics of ICTs and emerging media in autocracies exists, there is still much to learn (see Corrales & Westhoff, 2006; Rod & Weidmann, 2015; Stoycheff, Nisbet, & Epstein, 2016).

One explanation of the durability of autocracies is that governments have become savvy technology users that exploit ICTs and emerging media to control information, run sophisticated surveillance programs, and produce propaganda in ways appeal to individuals and add chaos to the public discourse (Brookings & Singer, 2016; King, Pan, & Roberts, 2013; King, Pan, & Roberts, 2017). The surveillance technologies allow the government to listen to public discussions, providing valuable feedback about the public mood. Relatedly, developed ICTs and emerging media give the ruling regimes the ability to offer economic and entertainment benefits, appeasing the public in place of political concessions, which helps strengthen their ruling position (Corrales & Westhoff, 2006).

As the ways that governments and other political entities can use ICTs to gain, maintain, and strengthen their power become more complex, the more necessary it is to systematically analyze these phenomena. In this paper, I developed the theoretical model of cyber state capacity (CSC). In the following sections, I introduce the concept of CSC, which describes how ICTs can empower and enhance (or weaken) autocratic governance. CSC builds on the theoretical concept of state capacity from international relations research, and Gobel's (2013) theoretical model of ICTs and authoritarian consolidation. Next, I conducted a qualitative comparative case illustration in which I used the theoretical framework of CSC to analyze the different occurrences and outcomes in Egypt and Saudi Arabia in the time around the Arab Spring in 2011. The framework of CSC differs from much of the collective action and civil resistance research as it focuses on the governments' actions and the ICTs systems, not the actions of the protesters.

I used the term ICTs throughout as a comprehensive term for information and communication technology, that includes the internet, mobile phones, and social and emerging media of all types.

Section snippets

ICTs and authoritarianism

Steadily, research is advancing the conversation of the internet and democratization and collective action efforts (Bailard, 2012a; Bailard, 2012b; Bailard, 2014; King et al., 2013; Stoycheff & Nisbet, 2014). Perhaps, it is understandable that in the beginning, the open-access, free-flowing nature of the internet justified the tools for liberation argument (Diamond, 2010). The events of the Arab Spring in Egypt and Tunisia, and the subsequent Occupy protests seemed to justify the liberation

Theoretical model: Cyber state capacity (CSC)

In a model on authoritarian consolidation of power, Gobel (2013) introduced concepts that demonstrated that the ways that autocratic governments managed and developed the cyber realm could strengthen or weaken the regime. The primary hypotheses of the model are that ICTs could both hinder and help autocratic rule, depending on the motives and capabilities of the government. Additionally, he argued that the duration of an autocracy can be extended if autocrats use ICTs “to enhance surveillance,

Cyber state capacity and the Arab spring: Egypt and Saudi Arabia

In this section, I used the framework of CSC to analyze the events of the Arab Spring in Egypt and Saudi Arabia as part of the explanation for why one regime fell and the other did not. The selection of these two countries are not perfect, as several of the points of consideration mentioned in the CSC model are unknown. Also, the motivations for the people in each country to participate in the public demonstrations were different, as the living conditions were different. It is outside of the

Discussion

In the case study here, I analyzed CSC in the years leading up to and during the Arab Spring in Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Results from case-studies cannot be generalized, but the application of CSC in this analysis was helpful in demonstrating the functionality of the model. Saudi Arabia had high CSC and this likely contributed to the lack of massive support for the protests, the suppression of the protests, and the concessions that were distributed by the government that successfully pacified

Britt Christensen, b. 1979, PhD in Media and Public Affairs (Louisiana State University, 2015); Assistant Professor, Zayed University (2015–2017); Assistant Professor, Notre Dame of Maryland University (2018- ). Research interests include information and communication technology and authoritarianism, governance, and nonviolent and violent conflict.

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    Britt Christensen, b. 1979, PhD in Media and Public Affairs (Louisiana State University, 2015); Assistant Professor, Zayed University (2015–2017); Assistant Professor, Notre Dame of Maryland University (2018- ). Research interests include information and communication technology and authoritarianism, governance, and nonviolent and violent conflict.

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