Elsevier

Ecological Economics

Volume 55, Issue 1, 5 October 2005, Pages 37-46
Ecological Economics

Methods
What is environmental income?

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2005.05.006Get rights and content

Abstract

A growing number of studies have revealed the dependency, particularly of poor people, on income from wild and uncultivated resources. Inclusion and analysis of environmental income are important in diagnosing the extent of poverty, for understanding its causes, and in identifying policies for its alleviation. The concept of environmental income is, however, poorly developed. Different studies use different measures, while underlying assumptions are often neglected or only partly revealed. In this paper, we analyze the concept of environmental income with respect to its sources, appropriate income measures, and ways of separating environmental income from non-environmental income. We argue that natural rent realized, through consumption or alienation, within the first link of a market chain provides a precise and logically consistent measure of environmental income under conditions of perfect competition. Because of frequent imperfections in rural markets, however, and because estimation of rent may be infeasible, a value added measure may sometimes have to be substituted. Regardless of which of the two concepts is chosen, explicit specification would represent a significant improvement in much of the current literature.

Introduction

Why should we care about environmental income? First, it is important to correct diagnosis of poverty. If significant sources of income are neglected in that diagnosis, our understanding of poverty will be distorted. Based on rigorous field work in Zimbabwe, Cavendish (1999) makes a compelling case that environmental income, much of it falling outside of what is captured in standard poverty assessments, can be quite significant, especially for the poorest of the rural poor. In his study, the lowest income quintile derived more than 40% of total income from the environment (excluding crop production). Later work by Vedeld et al. (2004) has widened the empirical basis for that case in a meta-study comprising more than 50 studies from numerous developing countries. This study revealed a median forest income of more than 20% of total median income. Tracing the exact source of income (environmental or non-environmental) may be of limited relevance to poverty surveys whose only objective is accurately to measure income poverty, as long as all sources are indeed included. The environmental income concept can, however, be helpful in enhancing our poverty diagnosis by focusing attention on neglected sources of livelihood.

A second argument for the importance of considering environmental income is related to policy responses to the poverty analysis. Almost 60 developing countries have by now articulated Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) as the foundation for concessional lending and grant aid from the major donors. Given their increasing role in guiding international transfers, environmentalists have begun to take an interest in the extent to which environment is “mainstreamed” in this context (Bojö et al., 2004). More specifically, the argument has been advanced by several major development institutions that there are opportunities for advancing poverty reduction by attention to better environmental management, and vice-versa (DFID et al., 2002). A clearer understanding of how poor people are dependent on their environment – the nature and extent of their environmental income – is fundamental in shaping policies that safeguard and develop environmental assets for the poor in a targeted manner. Even when the percentage contribution from natural resources is relatively small, income from these resources may be of vital importance to people living close to the survival line. In particular, environmental income may permit gap filling in times of predictable income shortages and act as a safety net after shocks (Angelsen and Wunder, 2003).

The idea that nature provides significant direct benefits to humans has become a forceful one in development and conservation debates. Contributions range from attempts to estimate the value of the global ecosystem services (e.g. Costanza et al., 1997) to village level estimates of forest incomes. Analysis of the importance and role of environmental income is, however, hampered by the lack of a clear understanding and application of the concept. The widely disparate ways in which the concept is applied by different researchers make comparisons across cases difficult. Such disparity is no doubt due to the many different objectives and approaches – resource valuations, household economic surveys, stakeholder analyses – brought to the study of income from natural resource inventories. Before any broad conclusions can be drawn about the importance of environmental income to poor people's livelihoods, however, agreement must be sought about the exact meaning of the term. Confusion is, moreover, not limited to cross-case comparisons; implicit treatments of the concept may vary across different goods within the same study (Vedeld et al., 2004).

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the concept of environmental income and to suggest a clear and operational definition. How is environmental income different from other types of income? A microeconomic perspective informs our analysis of environmental income; we are concerned with income that accrues to individuals or firms rather than income that accrues to nations or regions, where quite different indicators are appropriate. We assess different definitions of environmental income in terms of their theoretical soundness and practical applicability. The choice of environmental income concept has important implications for the conduct of field studies where such income is believed to be of significance.

In the search for a definition, three interlinked issues are of prime importance: first, the possible sources of environmental income; second, the appropriate income measure; and third, the distance from the source – in geographical or economic terms – at which environmental income may be captured. Before considering these, however, we take a brief look at how nature and its economic gifts have been regarded in the past.

Section snippets

Natural resources and rent

Economists have for centuries been preoccupied with the role of nature in providing a surplus. Central to the French physiocrats' model of the economy was the notion that land in its virgin state already produced value independent of human effort. According to le Tronsne, “Land owes its fertility to the might of the Creator, and out of His blessing flow its inexhaustible riches. This power is already there, and man simply makes use of it.” (Quoted in Gide and Rist, 1945, p. 34). The natural

Sources of environmental income

With growing concerns about environmental degradation, increasing attention has been paid to the concept of natural capital. In addition, the recognition that poor people are particularly dependent on such capital has given rise to a wave of new empirical efforts to capture the importance of natural capital. And natural capital may be a good place to begin an investigation of the environmental income concept in earnest. Could it be that environmental income is simply the flow derived from the

Income measures

Four different income measures are, implicitly or explicitly, applied in measurement of resource values and environmental income; gross value of extracted goods, value added, profit, and rent (Vedeld et al., 2004). Value added is equal to gross value minus costs of capital consumption and intermediate inputs. The subtraction of labor costs from value added yields profit. A further subtraction of normal profit yields rent. The three income measures are presented schematically in Fig. 1 below.

Use

Market chains and the boundary of environmental income

Proximity could potentially be used – and often implicitly is – to define the limits of environmental income; such income, one could posit, may only be earned by local people living within a certain distance from the resource in question. Alternatively, one might incorporate aspects of the production process in the definition; for example, only consumption or sale of raw materials would count, not processed goods.

Both of these dimensions – proximity and production processes – suffer from

Costs and cost savings

Natural resource inventories do not only provide income but may also generate costs. A typical example is when wild animals cause damage to crops or livestock. Although the damage affects agricultural or pastoral activities, its source is natural capital and the costs should properly be deducted from environmental income.

More generally, conflicting interests with respect to the use of natural resources may mean that one person's revenue is another person's cost. In a typical case, tree cutting

Environmental income and the non-poor

This article focuses on environmental income in the context of poverty, but some reflection is warranted on the more general applicability of the concept we are discussing. Environmental services provided by natural resource inventories are numerous, including carbon sequestration, water flow stabilization, erosion control, biodiversity protection, etc. Vast populations in faraway locations may in some way benefit from environmental resources without ever giving it much thought.

So do urban

Conclusions

Based on the above deliberations, a definition of environmental income as rent is as follows:

Environmental income is rent captured through alienation or consumption of natural capital within the first link in a market chain, starting from the point at which the natural capital is extracted or appropriated.

The corresponding definition of environmental income as value added is very similar:

Environmental income is the capture of value added in alienation or consumption of natural capital within

Acknowledgements

The authors wish to thank Carter Brandon, William Sunderlin, William Sutton, Sven Wunder, Gertrude Kobugabe Berg, and an anonymous reviewer for extensive and very useful comments to material presented in this paper. Funding for this research came primarily from the Norwegian Government, through its Trust Fund for Environmentally and Socially Sustainable Development with the World Bank, with additional contributions from the World Bank.

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