Abstract
Kazakhstan has large natural resources (hydrocarbons and minerals), which have enabled it to achieve a position of relative prosperity compared with other ex-Soviet countries in Central Asia. This article aims to examine the economic and social impact that the exploitation of these resources has had on the country. More specifically, it seeks to assess the consistency of the economic growth achieved, the extent of national productive diversification, as well as the wealth distribution within the Kazakh social structure. The article also attempts to appraise these effects in Kazakhstan in relation to some of the postulates of the resource curse thesis. One of them predicts that under weak and autocratic institutional frameworks, the benefits of the extractive sector tend to be captured by elites close to power. Poverty in Kazakhstan has declined overall, albeit with peaks in recent years and marked inequalities between the country's regions. Public spending on social policies (education, health, social protection) has been disproportionate and has lagged behind that of countries with comparable economic conditions. Social deprivation and civil unrest are witnessed in the country, as evidenced by the riots that rocked some of its cities in January 2022.
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Notes
After becoming violent, the January 2022 protests were bloodily suppressed by the government, with assistance from Russian troops (under the regional CSTO/Collective Security Treaty Organisation); they resulted in 232 deaths and thousands of injuries and detainees.
Some studies on the negative effects of the curse have tended to distinguish between situations of abundance and situations of dependence on natural resources. The latter are generally considered more conducive to such unfavourable effects. A distinction has also been made between 'point source' natural resources, with a concentrated and manageable flow of income, and 'diffuse source' resources (e.g. agriculture) (Bulte et al. 2005). Kazakhstan has both abundance and dependence on 'point source' extractive resources (mainly hydrocarbons).
Some critical aspects of the official estimates of poverty and inequality in Kazakhstan are discussed in Sect. "Social development in Kazakhstan".
The National Fund of the Republic of Kazakhstan (NFRK) is deposited and managed at the Central Bank of Kazakhstan. It receives a significant part of the taxes on extractive activities and makes transfers to the budget according to its changing needs (annual guaranteed amounts and special amounts with an anti-crisis objective). The NFRK holds a significant volume of foreign currency reserves.
Hirschman (1981) distinguished between consumption linkages (demand generated by revenues from local resources used by the extractive sector), fiscal linkages (public revenues generated by the export sector that can be used to support other local industries) and production linkages (local involvement, either in the supply of inputs or services to the extractive export sector (backward) or in the processing of extractive materials (forward).
The state agency (NADLoC, National Agency for the Development of Local Content) is in charge of registering transactions and monitoring compliance with legal provisions.
A massive privatisation process took place in the 1990s under conditions of questionable regularity (OECD 2017). It benefited the country's emerging economic elite as well as international investors. The expansion of growth in the following years allowed the reconstitution of new public companies and holdings in various sectors, including oil and mining.
It can be said that the main economic power in the country has been concentrated in the hands of the state and a small number of privileged private actors. This situation has been described as that of a “crony capitalism” (Nurseiit and Charman 2018).
The average effective tax rate (AETR) theoretically calculates the percentage of net revenues generated over the life of the oil or mining project that goes to the government. The estimated AETR for Kazakhstan is around 70% (IMF, 2018). This level is close to the AETR estimated for a number of oil and gas producing countries (Mansour and Świstak 2017). AETR simulations for some mining projects in Kazakhstan result in levels lower than those for oil (46% for gold and 38–60% for copper, depending on extraction costs) and lower than those estimated for countries producing the same metals (Manley 2017, 2018).
In 2017, personal income tax revenue in Kazakhstan accounted for 1.4% of GDP and 8.6% of total government revenue; this latter ratio is much lower than the average in the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) countries (17%) (OECD 2020).
Since 2020, the Bureau of National Statistics (hereafter, BNS-K) is part of the Agency for Strategic planning and reforms of the Republic of Kazakhstan.
According to data published by BNS-K (2021), the percentage of total income of the top decile would have been significantly lower than those estimated by WID: 23.32% in 2016, 23.99% in 2017 and 24.32% in 2018.
The national analytical centre in the field of education (Information-Analytic Centre), established at the initiative of the Ministry of Education, estimated that in 2017 the effectiveness of education was low in eight of the country's regions and medium in the other seven (IAC 2018).
According to the cited report by a civic organisation, education and health are among the areas where corruption is most prevalent, after law enforcement and the courts.
The other five republics are Belarus, Bulgaria, Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine.
Complicated bureaucracy in accessing anti-poverty social benefits, as well as poor information for potential beneficiaries, has been identified as barriers to accessing these benefits (Scott et al. 2017).
In 2017, only 18.2% of the poorest quintile of rural households and 17.3% of urban households received social assistance cash transfers (ASPIRE/Atlas of Social Protection Indicators of Resilience and Equity, World Bank).
Among others, the 2020 Covid19 temporary relief measures meant aid to household consumption (food and non-food), partial salary compensation for workers having lost their job, employment in public works and 10% increase in pensions and other benefits.
For various reasons (workers on unpaid leave, self-employed, informal workers, etc.), the additional beneficiaries of the 2020 monthly payments were not entitled to unemployment benefits.
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Aguirre-Unceta, R. Kazakhstan: extractive resources, governance and inclusive development. J. Soc. Econ. Dev. 26, 235–257 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40847-023-00252-1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40847-023-00252-1
Keywords
- Natural resources
- Governance
- Industrial policy and economic diversification
- Tax performance
- Public social policies