Abstract
‘Red Mafia’ is the collective term for corrupt public officials in mainland China, mainly from the criminal justice system, who attempt to monopolise the protection business in the criminal underworld by abusing power. In contemporary mainland China, the Red Mafia has developed into an alternative system of governance that can control organised crime groups, enable them to flourish, and protect them where strong government and effective self-protection associations are absent. The author examines organised crime and corruption by analysing the Wen Qiang case, one of the most famous and widely publicised cases in Chongqing’s latest crime crackdown campaign. Drawing on interview data and extensive published materials, this paper offers a tentative definition of ‘Red Mafia’, develops a typology of organised crime, describes the emergence of the Red Mafia in China, explores how gangsters developed relationships with public officials, suggests why organised crime groups chose the Red Mafia as their preferred protection and enforcement mechanism, examines patterns of services provided, and explores the differences between the Red Mafia and other Mafia groups.
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Notes
‘Strike hard’ is an extreme form of anti-crime policy aiming to maintain social and public order by employing comparatively harsh punishment as well as simplifying and speeding up criminal proceedings. The Chinese government launched three rounds of ‘strike hard’ anti-crime campaigns in 1983, 1996, and 2001.
‘Striking black’ in Chongqing achieved its objective when Wen Qiang, former head of the Chongqing Judicial Bureau (2008-2009) and deputy head of the Chongqing Public Security Bureau (1992–2008), was sentenced to death on July 7, 2009. The death of Wen indicated the end of the massive campaign against organised crime and corruption in Chongqing, but Chongqing’s police officers continue to investigate cases of organised crime and corruption because ‘striking black’ is regarded as a long-term task.
‘Strike Black’ shares a similar meaning with ‘strike hard’. ‘Strike hard’ usually refers specifically to the three rounds of anti-crime campaigns organised by the Chinese Central Government, while ‘strike black’ refers generally to crime crackdown campaigns organised by local governments.
Xia Ming, personal communication, e-mail message to author, 11 April 2012.
Wang (2011) focuses on the emergence of a special type of organised criminal group—Mafias which mainly operate protection businesses in mainland China—rather than the rise of organised crime (black societies) in general.
Varese’s analysis is supported by a collection of more than 115 definitions of organised crime and related comments concerning the problem of how to define organised crime. Please see: K. Von Lampe, 'Definitions of Organized Crime’, (updated 27 April 2012) <http://www.organized-crime.de/organizedcrimedefinitions.htm>.
Qiu Geping, 11 January 2012, interview, Shanghai, People’s Republic of China; Jin Qigao, 10 January 2012, interview, Shanghai, People’s Republic of China; Qiu, personal communication, e-mail message to author, 22 August, 27 August, and 28 August 2011; Senior manager (A) from a construction company, 17 February 2012, interview, Shandong, People’s Republic of China.
Guanxi describes the basic dynamic in personalized networks of influence, a central idea in Chinese society.
Public security officials and prosecutors, 20 December 2011, focus group discussions, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Lawyer A, 30 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Journalist A, 29 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Journalist B, 25 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China.
Bo Xilai was a member of the Politburo of the Communist Party of China and made no secret of his desire to enter the Politburo Standing Committee in 2012. For more details, please see: Jamie A. FlorCruz (2012), ‘The rise and fall of China’s Bo Xilai’, <http://www.cnn.com/2012/03/16/world/asia/florcruz-xilai-china/index.html>, accessed 20 March 2012.
‘The Zhang Jun Syndicate committed crimes in three provinces of China, Hubei, Hunan, and Sichuan…between 1994 and September 2000, the group carried out 12 armed robberies, killed 28 people and injured 20 and looted more 6 million [RMB]’ (Zhang 2001: 57).
Prosecutor A, 24 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Prosecutor B, 21 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Journalist A, 29 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Taxi driver A, 20 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Taxi driver B, 2 January 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China.
According to Chinese academic textbook Xingshi Daan Yaoan Zhongde Fali Zhihui (Zhao et al. 2011), the information about how Wen’s ‘guardians’ obtained promotions and illegal protection by bribery can be listed as follows. 1) From 2004 to 2008, Huang Daiqiang, deputy head of the criminal police division, bribed Wen and his wife with 90,000 RMB and an Omega watch. 2) Luo Li, deputy head of the city’s drug control department, bribed Wen with 400,000 RMB between 2005 and 2008. 3) In order to obtain assistance from Wen, Zhao Liming, deputy head of the city’s public transport security police division, also bribed Wen with 270,000RMB in the period 2000–2008. 4) Chen Tao, deputy head of the city’s public security police division, bribed Wen with 60,000RMB between 2004 and 2008. 5) Xu Qiang, director of Dianjiang County Public Security Bureau in Chongqing, bribed Wen with 370,000RMB between 2004 and 2008. Moreover, interview data suggests that Su Tao, deputy head of Jiangbei district sub-bureau of the Chongqing Public Security Bureau, had been convicted of offering illegal protection for local gangs and bribing Wen for his promotion.
The term “hermit-crab-type hybrids” was first used by Professor Ming Xia in his 2008 paper titled ‘Organizational formations of organized crime in China: perspectives from the state, markets, and networks’. It refers to criminal groups that ‘take over the shells of legitimate hierarchies’ (p 14).
Xia (2008) offers more detail about ‘a cobweb’ and ‘a production and distribution chain’.
The term ‘bate-ficha’, suggested by Angela Veng Mei Leong, means ‘to handle chips, and lots of chips indicate power and profit. So the bate-ficha business simply means the rolling or exchanging of chips between the customers (gamblers) and the bate-ficha guys (dapma-chai) or chip rollers’ (p. 86). For more details, please see: A.V.M. Leong, ‘The ‘Bate-Ficha’ business and triads in Macau casinos’, Queensland University of Technology Law and Justice journal, 2/1 (2004), 83–96.
It is extremely difficult to make distinctions among these four terms. Bribes and guanxi practice are normally used as the fundamental tools for gangsters to infiltrate the political system. Moreover, family or kinship ties are a kind of intermediary or guanxi practice. The reason this paper suggests four distinct terms rather than presenting a general one (i.e. bribes) is that they each play a different role in the formation of the Chinese political-criminal nexus.
Journalist A, 29 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Journalist B, 25 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China.
Journalist A, 29 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Journalist B, 25 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China.
Prosecutor A, 24 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Journalist A, 29 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China.
Senior government officer A, 8 February 2012, interview, Shandong, People’s Republic of China; Senior manager (B) from a construction company, 9 January 2011, interview, Shandong, People’s Republic of China.
Federico Varese analyses foreign triads in China in Mafias on the move (2011). He offers a similar argument about the development of large illegal markets in China since 1978.
Qiu Geping, 11 January 2012, interview, Shanghai, People’s Republic of China.
Senior police officer A, 12 February 2012, interview, Shandong, People’s Republic of China; Mei Chuanqiang, 27 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Public security officials and prosecutors, 20 December 2011, focus group discussions, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Senior official B from construction company, 07 February, interview, Shandong, People’s Republic of China. Links between organised crime and judicial corruption persist even in former communist countries in Eastern Europe. For more information see: Zhilla (2011).
Journalist A, 29 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China.
Journalist A, 29 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Journalist B, 25 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China.
Prosecutor A, 24 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Prosecutor B, 21 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Journalist A, 29 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Taxi driver A, 20 December 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China; Taxi driver B, 2 January 2011, interview, Chongqing, People’s Republic of China.
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Acknowledgements
The author is grateful to Benjamin Bowling, Qiu Geping, Maurice Punch, Xia Ming, Mary Vogel, Fabian Zhilla, Hilary Wright, Stephan Blancke, Wang Jingyi, the two anonymous referees and the editor for their valuable comments and suggestions. The author is also grateful to Li Ren and Xu Pengxiang for their generous help in organising his fieldwork in Chongqing. This fieldwork was supported by a Great Britain-China Education Grant.
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Wang, P. The rise of the Red Mafia in China: a case study of organised crime and corruption in Chongqing. Trends Organ Crim 16, 49–73 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12117-012-9179-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12117-012-9179-8