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Pleonastic possible worlds

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Abstract

The role of possible worlds in philosophy is hard to overestimate. Nevertheless, their nature and existence is very controversial. This is particularly serious, since their standard applications depend on there being sufficiently many of them. The paper develops an account of possible worlds on which it is particularly easy to believe in their existence: an account of possible worlds as pleonastic entities. Pleonastic entities are entities whose existence can be validly inferred from statements that neither refer to nor quantify over them as a matter of conceptual necessity. Definitions are proposed that ensure that this is the case for possible worlds.

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Notes

  1. Cp. e.g. van Inwagen (1986, pp. 195ff.).

  2. I would have said ‘other abstract entities’ were it not for the fact that one of the major proponents of possible worlds, David Lewis, conceives of them as (mereological sums of) concreta. The present use of ‘platonic’ is borrowed from Yablo (2000, p. 198).

  3. Of course, the specific timing does not matter. What matters is that there is a stage of conceptual sophistication at which one is in principle in a position to have pieces of ordinary modal knowledge while not being in a position to have knowledge of possible worlds. At that stage one lacks (i) all but the most general concepts under which possible worlds fall, and (ii) concepts for world-relativisation. Therefore, one is not in a position to know anything specifically about possible worlds, e.g. that there is a \(\underline{\hbox{possible world at which}}\) McCain wins.

  4. See in particular Schiffer (2003, chap. 2).

  5. On this proposal, reasoning according to (H) and (L) will at best be elliptical (since it leaves out the step with the explicitly semantic content). One might think that this already disqualifies it as a reconstruction of how we typically gain the knowledge in question. However, since homophonic semantic ascent may seem trivial, and is, thus, easy to miss, I would not want to put too much weight on this consideration.

  6. Making transitions according to (H) and (L) will not always be safe. For, consider any true instance in which ‘F’ is replaced with ‘a non-self-exemplifier’, e.g. ‘the property of being green is a non-self-exemplifier’ (it’s true since, pace Plato, the property of being green is not itself green). This, together with the general validity of (H), seems to imply the existence of the Russell property of being a non-self-exemplifier. But the Russell property leads to paradox: if it existed it would exemplify itself just in case it didn’t exemplify itself. Similar comments apply to some of the transitions mentioned in the next paragraph. For the purposes of this paper, I will simply ignore the vexing issues surrounding the paradoxes.

  7. Lewis endorses a different argument from theoretical utility in the case of sets (Lewis 1986, pp. 108ff.): very roughly, we can know that there are sets because they are so useful in mathematics. However, I can see no way of exploiting this observation to ground our epistemic access to the fact that Socrates belongs to the set of all philosophers on the basis of our knowledge that Socrates is a philosopher.

  8. We could have run a more direct argument starting with a de re modal sentence, e.g. ‘Socrates might have been a carpenter’. From this, it seems, we can infer a truth about possible worlds—that there is a world at which Socrates is a carpenter—as well as truths about properties—that Socrates has the property of possibly being a carpenter—about sets—that Socrates belongs to the set of all possible carpenters—and so forth. Since these latter transformations are slightly more controversial than those from simple, non-modal, predications, I chose the argument in the main text.

  9. Cp. Schiffer (2003, pp. 56f.).

  10. Cp. Schiffer (2003, p. 70) for this claim for properties.

  11. See Schnieder (2004, 2005, 2006).

  12. Definitions of singular concepts may either take the form of equivalences or identities (cf. e.g. Suppes 1972, p. 17). Schnieder chooses the former. Alternatively, the following would have done as well:

    Definition Schema: Individual Property Concepts* the property of being \(F =_{\rm df.}\;\hbox{the}\;x\;\hbox{such that}\;\square\;\forall y \,(y\;\hbox{is}\;F \rightarrow y\;\hbox{has}\;x)\;\&\; \square\;\forall y \,(\neg y\;\hbox{is}\;F\rightarrow y\;\hbox{lacks}\;x)\) However, given that the definitions are adequate, they provably yield the same results.

  13. Of course, similar things may be said about the empty set on a pleonastic account of sets. What I said in the last paragraph simply assumes that there is a way of coming to know the set theoretical axioms before accepting (6) as a definition of the concept of the empty set.

  14. This is very rough. For a more detailed discussion see Schiffer (2003, Sect. 2.2).

  15. See e.g. Hughes and Cresswell (1996, p. 98).

  16. In this I follow Humberstone (1981). Possibilities may only differ in name from situations, introduced into the philosophical and linguistic discussion by Barwise (1981) and Barwise and Perry (1983). Under the name ‘situations’, possibilities have come to some prominence since they promise to have a broad range of applications in natural language semantics. See, e.g., Kratzer (2010).

  17. I use ‘entail’ in the sense of ‘strictly implies’ here and in what follows, i.e. that p entails that q just in case it is necessary that (q provided that p). Incidentally, talking about entailment relations ostensively between propositions makes things easier but is an inessential feature of my presentation. Everything I say could be reformulated using only the resources used in the official definitions to follow, in particular without appeal to propositions.

  18. Quantifiers binding ‘p’ and ‘q’ are sentential quantifiers. I do not need to assume a specific account of sentential quantification for the purposes of this paper, except that they do not range over propositions. For more on sentential quantification see, e.g., Hugly and Sayward (1996, Part III) and compare the appendix to this paper below. Incidentally, for the sake of readability I suppress brackets where possible, assuming that ‘\(\Vdash\)’ binds more tightly than any of the logical operators, but less tightly than ‘the possibility that’.

  19. Roughly, in order to test for conservativeness, we add, inter alia, existence assumptions concerning the new entities to theories. But the assumption that the possibility that p exists would, on any plausible account of possibilities, entail all by itself that it is possible that p. Thus, possibilities would fail the Conservative Extension test with flying colours.

  20. Cp. the definition proposal for ‘natural number’ in Hale and Wright (2001, p. 2).

  21. See below.

  22. This is strictly parallel to the case of properties. See Künne (2007, p. 347). Cp. also Künne (2006). A Neo-Fregean account of possible worlds—as developed, e.g., in Berkovski (2011)—would take these identity criteria as its starting point. However, although Pleonasticism and Neo-Fregeanism are similar in spirit, I take it to be a virtue of the present account that it can explain why such identity criteria hold instead of having to stipulate them.

  23. Accessibility is defined as usual, i.e.

    • Accessibility x has access to \(y \leftrightarrow_{\rm df.} \forall p\,(y\,\Vdash\,p\rightarrow x\,\Vdash\,\lozenge p\)

    See e.g. Kripke (1963, p. 64).

  24. \(\mathcal{A}\)’ is the actuality operator, to be read as ‘It is actually the case that’. For detailed discussion see, e.g., Crossley and Humberstone (1977).

  25. It is the proto-possibility that p, where ‘p’ is a place-holder for the conjunction of all the atomic truths.

  26. I use ‘w is a proto-possibility’ as short for ‘w = @∨ ∃ w′, q (w =   the w′-possibility that q’ for the sake of readability.

  27. The principle can be found on p. 13, the proof on p. 15 above.

  28. Powerful defenses of the standard Barcan formula in the face of initial implausibility include Linsky and Zalta (1994) and Williamson (2002).

  29. Thanks to an anonymous referee whose discussion is the basis of much of this appendix, including the potential counterexample to sentential Barcan discussed below.

  30. One might be able to spell out the idea behind (BF) without reliance on talk about propositions. Since nothing in the discussion will hinge on this feature of my presentation I omit the details.

  31. These assumptions follow, for instance, from a Russellian conception of singular propositions as complexes essentially made up of the things they are about.

  32. In setting up the problem I pretend that we can refer to mere possibilia. I do so merely for ease of exposition.

  33. For a classic discussion see Plantinga (1983).

  34. For considerations about second-order Barcan that may lead one to accept standard Barcan see Williamson (forthcoming).

  35. Analogous considerations apply to the justification of (BF)’s antecedent in the argument against sentential Barcan.

  36. For an argument to this effect with respect to second-order quantification see Rayo and Yablo (2001). Cp. also Williamson (1999).

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Acknowledgments

Many thanks to Dorothy Edgington, Mark Kalderon, Stephan Krämer, Fraser MacBride, Robert Schwartzkopff, an anonymous referee for this journal as well as the other members of the Phlox research group Nick Haverkamp, Miguel Hoeltje, Benjamin Schnieder and Moritz Schulz for very helpful comments and discussion of the paper’s material at various stages of completion. I would also like to thank the participants of the Amsterdam Graduate Philosophy Conference 2010 and the 14th Annual Oxford Philosophy Graduate Conference, especially my commentators at these events Paul Dekker and Gabriel Uzquiano Cruz.

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Appendix

Appendix

The proof to the effect that principle (P2) can be derived from the proposed definitions relies on the sentential Barcan formula:Footnote 27

  • \( {\mathbf{BF-}} {\forall q} \quad \forall {q}\; \square\;\varphi \,\rightarrow\,\square {\forall}{q\,}\varphi .\)

I call the principle sentential Barcan since it is a variant of the notorious standard Barcan formula, differing from it only in that it uses a sentential instead of a nominal quantifier. Standard Barcan conflicts with fairly basic everyday modal intuitions. It implies, for instance, that there couldn’t have been things that do not actually exist. This raises the worry that the—at least initial—implausibility of standard Barcan may rub off on sentential Barcan.Footnote 28

This worry can be substantiated.Footnote 29 For, it seems that we can generate a counterexample to sentential Barcan out of a counterexample to standard Barcan in the following way: take any predicate that makes standard Barcan false. For definiteness, suppose ‘is something that actually exists’ (‘is an actual existent’, for short) is such a case. Let us use square brackets ‘[…]’ to abbreviate ‘the proposition that …’. Now consider the instance of \((\hbox{BF-}\forall {q})\) in which ‘\(\varphi\)’ is substituted by ‘[q] is a singular proposition \(\rightarrow[q]\) is about an actual existent’:

BF

\(\forall q \square\) ([q] is a singular proposition \(\rightarrow[q]\) is about an actual existent) \(\rightarrow\square\forall q\) ([q] is a singular proposition \(\rightarrow[q]\) is about an actual existent).Footnote 30

We might think that (BF) is false, and, thus, a counterexample to sentential Barcan, given plausible principles about singular propositions. For, suppose singular propositions are essentially singular and existentially dependent on the things they are about.Footnote 31 Since, we assumed, there might have been things that do not actually exist, there might have been singular propositions—singular propositions about such mere possibilia—that do not actually exist. Consider, for instance, the merely possible proposition P that says about a merely possible die d 1 that it shows a 6.Footnote 32 If P had existed, P would have been (i) singular and (ii) only about something, d 1, that does not actually exist. Thus, the consequent of (BF) is false. On the other hand, all actual singular propositions are about actual existents, and, thus, they are necessarily such that, if they are singular, they are about something that actually exists. So (), the antecedent of (BF) is true, and (BF) is a counterexample to \(\hbox{BF-}\forall {q}\).

If the reasoning of the last paragraph is correct, I lose an essential resource for showing that my definitions entail principle (P2) (which says that no two proto-possibilities force the same). But, one might think, this is good news, since, despite initial appearances, (P2) is false as well. For, consider a merely possible die d 2 distinct from d 1. \(\mathcal{P}\) (d 1 shows a 6) and \(\mathcal{P}\) (d 2 shows a 6) are different proto-possibilities since they could have forced different things. For instance, had d 1 existed, the former but not the latter would have forced that d 1 showed a 6. But in the actual world, no singular propositions about the two merely possible dice are available to distinguish the two proto-possibilities. So (), \(\mathcal{P}\) (d 1 shows a 6) and \(\mathcal{P}\) (d 2 shows a 6) actually force the same, despite the fact that they are not identical, contra (P2).

I see four possible reactions to the problem: first, we might deny the principles about singular propositions that fuel the argument. In particular, we might deny that singular propositions can only exist when the things they are about exist.Footnote 33 Second, we might bite the bullet and accept standard Barcan as well. If sentential Barcan is as plausible as I think it is, and if the argument from standard to sentential Barcan is valid, this would provide at least some reason to accept standard Barcan, despite initial appearances.Footnote 34 Third, we might just concede the point, and look for a substitute that can do the work of (P2) instead. A candidate that comes to mind is (P2)’s modal strengthening: \((\hbox{P2}_\square)\). \((\hbox{P2}_\square)\) leaves open that there may be proto-possibilities that happen to force the same, but insists that no two of them are such that they necessarily force the same. It is easy to see that the modified principle also follows from the proposed definitions, and that a proof of this fact does not need to rely on sentential Barcan.

However, a second look at the arguments against sentential Barcan and (P2) reveals that they neither force the acceptance of controversial metaphysical principles nor the modification of the argument in the main text. For, they presuppose a very tight connection between sentential quantification on the one hand and the existence of propositions (amongst which are singular propositions) on the other. Roughly, they presuppose that the ‘range’ of the sentential quantifier varies from possible world to possible world with the propositions that exist at these worlds. In particular, the argument against (P2) presupposes that in order for

  1. (11)

    \(\forall p \,(\mathcal{P}\, (d_1\hbox{ shows a 6})\,\Vdash\,p\leftrightarrow\mathcal{P}\,(d_2\hbox{ shows a 6})\Vdash\,p)\)

to be true, the corresponding nominal quantification about propositions has to be true:

  1. (12)

    \(\forall x\, (x\hbox{ is a proposition}\rightarrow(\mathcal{P}\,(d_1\hbox{ shows a 6})\hbox{ forces }x\leftrightarrow\mathcal{P}\,(d_2\hbox{ shows a 6})\hbox{ forces }x))\)

Otherwise, the transition marked by the parenthesised lightning bolt in the argument against (P2) is not legitimate, for the argument asks us to accept the falsity of (11) on the basis of considerations only directly relevant to the falsity of (12). Footnote 35 But even though the paper sometimes uses proposition talk in its informal formulations, this is just for expositional purposes: it is not committed to strict intersubstitutability. In particular, considerations about the existence conditions of propositions such as the ones above may just be taken to show that there is no such close link. This means, of course, that a certain ontic interpretation of sentential quantification is ruled out, namely an interpretation that associates the sentential quantifier with a set of propositions as its range. But such an interpretation is far from obligatory. In effect, it tries to understand sentential quantification in terms of nominal quantification. An attractive alternative position maintains that such an understanding is impossible: just like nominal quantification, sentential quantification is conceptually basic and cannot be understood in more fundamental terms. Footnote 36

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Steinberg, A. Pleonastic possible worlds. Philos Stud 164, 767–789 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11098-012-9857-z

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