Abstract
The relationship between different linguistic manifestations of an eventuality-denoting concept, referred to in the literature as diatheses or voices, is well-studied in theoretical linguistics. Among researchers studying this phenomenon, it is widely agreed that there is a systematic relationship between the various diatheses of a concept. However, when a specific alternation is addressed, the nature of this relationship, namely, its directionality, is at debate. This research employs the much-debated transitive–unaccusative alternation as a case-study and reports the results of two cross-modal priming experiments designed to explore how Hebrew speakers perceive it. The results reveal an asymmetry between the facilitating effects of transitives and unaccusatives, thus suggesting that the relationship between these diatheses is directional. As a whole, this study demonstrates that theoretical debates regarding derivational relationships can be addressed by means of psycholinguistic research.
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
As the transitive–unaccusative alternation, like other derivational alternations, exhibits sporadic derivational gaps, there are some cases where an unaccusative verb does not have a transitive alternate in the vocabulary of a specific language. Some examples from English are vanish, appear, wilt and flower. For an extensive discussion and empirical investigation see Fadlon (2011).
References
Alexiadou, A., Anagnostopolou, E., & Everaert, M. (2004). Introduction. In A. Alexiadou, E. Anagnostopolou, & M. Everaert (Eds.), The unaccusativity puzzle: explorations of the syntax–lexicon interface (pp. 1–21). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Alexiadou, A., Anagnostopolou, E., & Schäfer, F. (2006). The properties of anticausatives crosslinguistically. In M. Frascarelli (Ed.), Phases of interpretation (pp. 187–213). Berlin: Mouton.
Allen, M., & Badecker, W. (2002). Inflectional regularity: Probing the nature of lexical representation in a cross-modal priming task. Journal of Memory and Language, 46(4), 705–722.
Altmann, G., Garnham, A., & Dennis, Y. (1992). Avoiding the garden path: Eye movements in context. Journal of Memory and Language, 31(5), 685–712.
Arad, M. (2005). Roots and patterns: Hebrew morpho-syntax. Dordrecht: Springer.
Aronoff, M. (1976). Word formation in generative grammar. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Belletti, A., & Rizzi, L. (1981). The syntax of “ne”: Some theoretical implications. The Linguistic Review, 1, 117–154.
Bock, J. K. (1986). Syntactic persistence in language production. Cognitive Psychology, 18(3), 355–387.
Borer, H., & Grodzinsky, Y. (1986). Syntactic cliticization and lexical cliticization: The case of Hebrew dative clitics. In H. Borer (Ed.), The syntax of pronominal clitics. Syntax and semantics 19 (pp. 175–217). New York: Academic Press.
Borer, H. (1994). The projection of arguments. In E. Benedicto & J. Runner (Eds.), Functional projections (pp. 19–47). Amherst, MA: GLSA.
Branigan, H. P., Pickering, M. J., Stewart, A. J., & McLean, J. F. (2000). Syntactic priming in spoken production: Linguistic and temporal interference. Memory & Cognition, 28(8), 1297–1302.
Burkhardt, P., Piñango, M. M., & Wong, K. (2003). The role of the anterior left hemisphere in real-time sentence comprehension: Evidence from split intransitivity. Brain and language, 86(1), 9–22.
Burzio, L. (1986). Italian syntax. Dordrecht: Reidel.
Chierchia, G. (2004). Written in 1989. A semantics for unaccusatives and its syntactic consequences. In A. Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou, & M. Everaert (Eds.), The unaccusativity puzzle: Explorations of the syntax–lexicon interface (pp. 22–59). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Chomsky, N. (1981). Lectures on government and binding. Dordrecht: Foris.
Chomsky, N. (1995). The minimalist program. Cambridge, MA/London: MIT Press.
Chomsky, N. (2000). Minimalist inquiries: The framework. In R. Martin, D. Michaels, & J. Uriagereka (Eds.), Minimalist inquiries: The framework step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik (pp. 89–155). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Chomsky, N. (2001). Derivation by phase. In M. Kenstowicz (Ed.), Ken Hale: A life in language (pp. 1–52). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Chomsky, N. (2013). Problems of projection. Lingua, 130, 33–49.
Doron, E. (2003). Agency and voice: The semantics of the semitic templates. Natural Language Semantics, 11(1), 1–67.
Embick, D., & Marantz, A. (2008). Architecture and blocking. Linguistic Inquiry, 39(1), 1–53.
Fadlon, J. (2011). Hidden entries: A psycholinguistic study of derivational gaps. In M. Everart, M. Marelj, & T. Siloni (Eds.), The theta system: argument structure at the interface (pp. 200–226). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Ferrand, L., & Grainger, J. (1992). Phonology and orthography in visual word recognition: Evidence from masked non-word priming. Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 45(3), 353–372.
Ferreira, F., & Clifton, C. (1986). The independence of syntactic processing. Journal of Memory and Language, 25, 348–368.
Ferreira, F. (2000). Syntax in language production: An approach using tree-adjoining grammars. In L. Wheeldon (Ed.), Aspects of language production (pp. 291–330). Hove: Psychology Press.
Ferreira, F., & Hendereson, J. (1991). The use of verb subcategorization information in syntactic parsing. In G. Simpson (Ed.), Understanding word and sentence (pp. 305–330). Amsterdam: North-Holland.
Frazier, L., & Rayner, K. (1982). Making and correcting errors during sentence comprehension: Eye movements in the analysis of structurally ambiguous sentences. Cognitive Psychology, 14, 178–210.
Frazier, L. (1987). Sentence processing. In M. Coltheart (Ed.), Attention and performance XII (pp. 559–586). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Friedmann, N., Taranto, G., Shapiro, L., & Swinney, D. (2008). The leaf fell (the leaf): The online processing of unaccusatives. Linguistic Inquiry, 39, 355–377.
Frost, R., Forster, K., & Deutsch, A. (1997). What can we learn from the morphology of Hebrew: A masked priming investigation of morphological representation. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, & Cognition, 23, 829–856.
Frost, R., Deutsch, A., & Forster, K. (2000). Decomposing morphologically complex words in a nonlinear morphology. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, & Cognition, 26, 751–765.
Frost, R., Deutsch, A., Gilboa, O., Tannenbaum, M., & Marslen-Wilson, W. (2000). Morphological priming: Dissociation of phonological, semantic, and morphological factors. Memory & Cognition, 8, 1277–1288.
Grimshaw, J. (1990). Argument structure. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Harley, H. (1995). Subjects, events, and licensing (Doctoral dissertation). Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Horvath, J., & Siloni, T. (2011). Causatives across Components. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 29(3), 657–704.
Koontz-Garboden, A. (2009). Anticausativization. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 27, 77–138.
Kratzer, A. (2004). Building resultatives. In C. Maien-born & A. Wllstein-Leisten (Eds.), Event arguments in syntax, semantics, and discourse (pp. 177–212). Tbingen: Niemey.
Lee, J., & Thompson, K. (2011). Real-time production of unergatives and unaccusative sentences in normal and agrammatic speakers: An eyetracking study. Aphasiology, 25(6–7), 813–825.
Levin, B., & Rappaport, M. (1995). Unaccusativity at the syntax–lexical semantics interface. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Loebell, H., & Bock, K. (2003). Structural priming across languages. Linguistics, 41(5), 791–824.
Marantz, A. (1997). No escape from syntax: Don’t try morphological analysis in the privacy of your own lexicon. In A. Dimitriadis & L. Siegel (Eds.), Proceedings of the 21st annual penn linguistics colloquium (pp. 201–225). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania.
Marantz, M. (2007). Phases and words. In S. Choe (Ed.), Phases in the theory of grammar (pp. 191–222). Seoul: Dong In.
Marslen-Wilson, W., Tyler, L. K., Waksler, R., & Older, L. (1994). Morphology and meaning in the English mental lexicon. Psychological Review, 101(1), 3–33.
Meltzer, A., & Siloni, T. (2013). Unaccusativity in Hebrew. Encyclopedia of Hebrew languages and linguistics. Leiden: Brill.
Meyer, D. E., & Schvaneveldt, R. W. (1971). Facilitation in recognizing pairs of words: Evidence of a dependence between retrieval operations. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 90(2), 227–234.
McQueen, J., & Cutler, A. (1998). Morphology in word recognition. In A. Spencer & A. Zwicky (Eds.), Handbook of morphology (pp. 101–132). Oxford: Blackwell.
Neely, J. H. (1991). Semantic priming effects in visual word recognition: A selective review of current findings and theories. Basic processes in reading: Visual word recognition, 11, 264–336.
Parsons, T. (1990). Events in the semantics of English: A study in subatomic semantics. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Perlmutter, D. (1978). Impersonal passives and the unaccusative hypothesis. In Proceedings of the 4th annual meeting of the Berkeley linguistics society, Berkeley, CA, pp. 157–189.
Pesetsky, D. (1982). Paths and categories (Doctoral dissertation). Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Pesetsky, D. (1995). Zero syntax: Experiencers and cascades. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Pritchett, B. (1988). Garden path phenomena and the grammatical basis of language processing. Language, 64(3), 539–576.
Pritchett, B. (1992). Grammatical competence and parsing performance. Chicago: Chicago University Press.
Ramchand, G. (2008). Verb meaning and the lexicon: A first phase syntax. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Rappaport-Hovav, M., & Levin, B. (2011). Lexicon uniformity and the causative alternation. In M. Everart, M. Marelj, & T. Siloni (Eds.), The Theta system: Argument structure at the interface (pp. 150–177). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Reinhart, T., & Siloni, T. (2004). Against the unaccusative analysis of reflexives. In A. Alexiadou, E. Anagnostopoulou, & M. Everaert (Eds.), The unaccusativity puzzle: Explorations of the syntax–lexicon interface (pp. 159–180). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Reinhart, T., & Siloni, T. (2005). The lexicon–syntax parameter: Reflexivization and other arity operations. Linguistic Inquiry, 36, 389–436.
Shetreet, E., Friedmann, N., & Hadar, U. (2010). The neural correlates of linguistic distinctions: Unaccusative and unergative verbs. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 22, 2306–2315.
Shlonsky, U. (1997). Clause structure and word order in Hebrew and Arabic: An essay in comparative Semitic syntax. New York: Oxford University Press.
Tulving, E., & Schacter, D. L. (1990). Priming and human memory systems. Science, 247(4940), 301–306.
Acknowledgments
The author would like to express her deepest gratitude to Julia Horvath, Tal Siloni, Michal Ben-shachar, Naama Friedmann and Aya Meltzer-Asscher for their valuable guidance and advice.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Corresponding author
Appendices
Appendix 1: Verbs Used in Experiment 1
Experimental condition
Transitive | Unaccusative | No. of shared phonemes (NSP) | Translation |
---|---|---|---|
Simplex–complex | |||
rikex | hitrakex | 5 | softened |
ximem | hitxamem | 5 | heated |
kerer | hitkarer | 4 | cooled |
lixlex | hitlaxlex | 4 | soiled |
saraf | nisraf | 4 | burned |
motet | hitmotet | 4 | collapsed |
kimet | hitkamet | 5 | wrinkled |
patax | niftax | 3 | opened |
saxaf | nisxaf | 4 | swept |
cinen | hictanen | 5 | chilled |
Šavar | niŠbar | 3 | broke |
pizer | hitpazer | 5 | scattered |
Complex–simplex | |||
hicmiax | camax | 4 | grew |
hir’id | ra’ad | 3 | trembled |
hifriax | parax | 3 | blossomed /blew |
hikpi | kafa | 1 | froze |
hitbia | tava | 2 | drowned |
hinbit | navat | 2 | sprouted |
hizrim | zaram | 2 | poured/flowed |
he’if | af | 2 | flew |
higbir | gavar | 2 | rose |
hiv’ir | ba’ar | 1 | burnt (arson) |
heni’a | na | 2 | moved |
hirtit | ratat | 2 | vibrated |
Simplex–simplex | |||
kiba | kava | 2 | turned-off |
Šikex | Šaxax | 3 | alleviated |
hidlik | nidlak | 4 | turned-on |
Complex–complex | |||
hixŠil | nixŠal | 3 | tripped |
he’erim | ne’eram | 4 | stacked |
hifsik | nifsak | 4 | stopped |
hirtiv | nirtav | 4 | made/got-wet |
he’elim | ne’elam | 4 | made/ vanished |
hixxid | nixxad | 3 | made/got-extinct |
hixliŠ | nexlaŠ | 3 | weakened |
Average: 3.265 |
Phonological control condition
Prime | Target | NSP | Experimental NSP—control NSP ratio | Prime | Target | NSP | Experimental NSP—control NSP ratio |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
hitrakex | tarak | 4 | 1.25 | rikex | nikrax | 3 | 1.6666667 |
‘slammed’ | ‘got-wrapped’ | ||||||
hitxamem | tixem | 4 | 1.25 | ximem | nitxam | 3 | 1.6666667 |
‘delimited’ | ‘delimited’ | ||||||
hitkarer | kiter | 5 | 0.8 | kerer | herik | 3 | 1.3333333 |
‘griped’ | ‘emptied’ | ||||||
lixlex | hitxalxel | 4 | 1 | hitlaxlex | xilxel | 4 | 1 |
‘shuddered’ | ‘seeped’ | ||||||
saraf | nifras | 4 | 1 | nisraf | naŠar | 3 | 1.3333333 |
‘spread’ | ‘fell’ | ||||||
motet | hemit | 3 | 1.333333 | hitmotet | timtem | 4 | 1 |
‘killed’ | ‘soddened/muddled’ | ||||||
kimet | hemtik | 5 | 1 | hitkamet | katam | 4 | 1.25 |
‘sweetened’ | ‘sniped’ | ||||||
patax | pite’ax | 4 | 0.75 | niftax | nafax | 4 | 0.75 |
‘developed’ | ‘blew’ | ||||||
nisxaf | nise’ax | 5 | 0.8 | saxaf | hexsif | 3 | 1.3333333 |
‘formulated’ | ‘made/became-silver’ | ||||||
hictanen | henec | 4 | 1.25 | cinen | hitnocec | 4 | 1.25 |
‘buded’ | ‘glittered’ | ||||||
šavar | biser | 1 | 3 | niŠbar | naŠav | 3 | 1 |
‘announced’ | ‘blew’ | ||||||
hitpazer | pirez | 5 | 1 | pizer | hefriz | 4 | 1.25 |
‘demilitarized’ | ‘exaggerated’ | ||||||
hicmiax | maxac | 4 | 1 | camax | hexmic | 3 | 1.3333333 |
‘smite’ | ‘made-sour’ ‘missed’ | ||||||
hir’id | hera | 2 | 1.5 | ra’ad | he’edir | 2 | 1.5 |
‘worsened’ | ‘glorified’ | ||||||
hifriax | hefer | 3 | 1 | parax | rixef | 2 | 1.5 |
‘violated’ | ‘hovered’ | ||||||
hikpi | paka | 2 | 0.5 | kafa | hifki’a | 3 | 0.3333333 |
‘burst’ | ‘expropriated’ | ||||||
tava | hiv’it | 2 | 1 | hitbia | hibit | 4 | 0.5 |
‘terrified’ | ‘looked’ | ||||||
hinbit | heniv | 2 | 1 | navat | nitev | 3 | 0.6666667 |
‘yielded’ | ‘directed’ | ||||||
hizrim | ramaz | 2 | 1 | zaram | nirmaz | 4 | 0.5 |
‘hinted’ | ‘got/was hinted’ | ||||||
af | hofi’a | 2 | 1 | he’if | afa | 2 | 1 |
‘appeared’ | ‘baked’ | ||||||
gavar | hivrig | 3 | 0.666667 | higbir | higiv | 3 | 0.6666667 |
‘screwed’ | ‘responded’ | ||||||
hiv’ir | hebi’a | 2 | 0.5 | ba’ar | her’iv | 2 | 0.5 |
‘expressed’ | ‘starved’ | ||||||
na | ne’ena | 2 | 1 | heni’a | ana | 3 | 0.6666667 |
‘got-answered’ | ‘answered’ | ||||||
ratat | hetir | 2 | 1 | hirtit | yiret | 3 | 0.6666667 |
‘allowed’ | ‘intercepted/shot-down’ | ||||||
kiba | baka | 3 | 0.666667 | kava | nikva | 3 | 0.6666667 |
‘got-cleaved’ | ‘pooled’ | ||||||
Šaxax | ninŠax | 3 | 1 | Šikex | xaŠak | 4 | 0.75 |
‘got-bitten’ | ‘desired’ | ||||||
hidlik | nilkad | 4 | 1 | nidlak | hiklid | 4 | 1 |
‘got-trapped’ | ‘rusted’ | ||||||
nixŠal | nixeŠ | 3 | 1 | hixŠil | hexiŠ | 4 | 0.75 |
‘guessed’ | ‘speed-up’ | ||||||
ne’eram | hitna’er | 4 | 1 | he’erim | hi’ir | 4 | 1 |
‘shaked-off’ | ‘waked’ | ||||||
nifsak | fikses | 4 | 1 | hifsik | hikif | 4 | 1 |
‘faxed’ | ‘orbited’ | ||||||
hirtiv | hitiv | 4 | 1 | nirtav | viter | 4 | 1 |
‘made-well’ | ‘gave-up’ | ||||||
he’elim | ho’il | 4 | 1 | ne’elam | hil’im | 4 | 1 |
‘availed’ | ‘made-vanish’ | ||||||
hixxid | nidxa | 3 | 1 | nixxad | hidi’ax/hedi’ax | 3 | 1 |
‘rejected’ | ‘rinsed’/‘dismissed’ | ||||||
nexlaŠ | hiŠlix | 3 | 1 | hixliŠ | hexil | 4 | 0.75 |
‘tossed’ | ‘implemented’ | ||||||
Average | 3.265 | 1.04 | 3.35 | 0.99 |
Appendix 2: Verbs Used in Experiment 2
Experimental condition
Transitive | Intransitive | ||
---|---|---|---|
Complex–simplex | |||
hix’is | ‘angered’ | ragaz | ‘got-angry’ |
hitbi’a | ‘drowned’ | Šaka | ‘drowned’ |
hiŠtik | ‘silenced’ | nadam | ‘got-silent’ |
he’if | ‘flew’ | na | ‘moved’ |
hiv’it | ‘scared’/’frightened’ | yara | ‘feared‘ |
hicit | ‘burned’ (arson) | ba’ar | ‘burned’ |
herkid | ‘made-dance’ | zaz | ‘moved’ |
hexliŠ | ‘weakened’ | rafa | ‘got-limp’ |
hidgiŠ | ‘emphasized’ | balat | ‘got-prominent’ |
hirgiz | ‘annoyed’ | ka’as | ‘got-angry’ |
heni’a | ‘moved’ | zaz | ‘moved’ |
Complex–complex | |||
hidhim | ‘amazed’ | hitrashem | ‘got-impressed’ |
hirgiz | ‘annoyed’ | hit’acben | ‘got-irritated’ |
higŠim | ‘realized’/‘fulfilled’ | hitmameŠ | ‘realized’ |
he’ir | ‘waked’ | hikic | ‘wakened’ |
hirgil | ‘habituated’ | histagel | ‘habituated’ |
hitiŠ | ‘exhausted‘/’tired’ | hit’ayef | ‘got-tired’ |
hitmiha | ‘surprisingly astounded’ | hitpale | ‘wondered’ |
hiv’ir | ‘burned’(arson) | hitlahet | ‘heated’ |
hifxit | ‘lessened’ | hitma’et | ‘diminished’ |
hishpric | ‘sprayed’ | nitaz | ‘got-sprayed’ |
Simplex–simplex | |||
cimcem | ‘reduced’ | paxat | ‘decreased’ |
Šamat | ‘dropped’ | nafal | ‘fell’ |
Control condition
Prime | Target |
---|---|
hixnis | patar |
hivlig | hitromem |
piter | hitlabeŠ |
hiflig | bara |
hexlif | histaben |
pina | nislax |
patax | hitxalef |
hivtiax | axal |
pica | amad |
kilel | higniv |
gila | nirtav |
hinif | hevi |
bilbel | yaŠav |
hisbir | hitga’age’a |
pileg | halax |
hikdiŠ | hista’er |
liben | histapek |
xalaf | hexdir |
hishtaxrer | hitmid |
ganav | hicmid |
rac | hoŠi’a |
hitlahev | pizer |
hitpana | rikex |
hitgareŠ | hisgir |
hitkarev | himci |
mica | hishki’ax |
hitmaked | ina |
hitrageŠ | ciyec |
parax | hicmi |
xava | naval |
gar | himit |
paca | hexmi |
nam | hivrig |
yaraŠ | hirdim |
Rights and permissions
About this article
Cite this article
Fadlon, J. The Transitive–Unaccusative Alternation: A Cross-Modal Priming Study. J Psycholinguist Res 45, 671–696 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10936-015-9368-0
Published:
Issue Date:
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10936-015-9368-0