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Industrial Policy and Regional Trade Agreements

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Abstract

This study examines whether regional trade agreements (RTAs), such as free trade agreements (FTAs) and customs unions (CUs), facilitate or hinder the achievement of multilateral trade liberalization when governments implement industrial policies. We develop a symmetric three-country model of international oligopoly with endogenously determined tariffs and production subsidies and consider not only RTAs, where member countries independently determine their production subsidies, but also deep RTAs, where member countries harmonize production subsidies. We show that forming an FTA or CU, with or without harmonizing production subsidies, improves the welfare of all member and non-member countries. More importantly, FTAs, regardless of whether production subsidies are harmonized among member countries, will prevent multilateral trade liberalization. Furthermore, if member countries harmonize production subsidies, CUs act as building blocks for multilateral free trade; otherwise, they serve as stumbling blocks. This is in sharp contrast to the results of traditional models with tariffs alone, where given three symmetric countries, both FTAs and CUs tend to facilitate multilateral free trade.

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Data Availability

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analyzed in this study.

Notes

  1. See https://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/region_e/region_e.htm (last accessed on February 23, 2024).

  2. There is also research on RTAs that explores the possibility of achieving global free trade using models other than international oligopoly (e.g., Furusawa & Konishi 2007; Lake 2017; Melatos & Woodland 2007; Missios et al. 2016; Riezman 1999; Saggi and Yildiz 2010; Saggi et al. 2013).

  3. Limão (2007) develops a model of preferential trade agreements with cooperation in non-trade issues to analyze its implications for global free trade and welfare. Kawabata and Takarada (2023) examine how deep RTAs with the harmonization of environmental regulations affect multilateral trade liberalization.

  4. The terms building block and stumbling block are borrowed from Bhagwati (1991).

  5. The strategic independence of countries’ policies holds in a competing exporters model, where each country imports the same good from two other countries (Bagwell & Staiger 1999; Saggi & Yildiz 2010; Saggi et al. 2013), an oligopoly model with endogenous tariffs (Nomura et al. 2013; Ornelas 2005, 2007; Saggi 2006; Yi 1996, 2000), and an oligopoly model with endogenous tariffs and standards (Kawabata & Takarada 2021; Yanase & Kurata 2022).

  6. Missios et al. (2016) adopt a competing importers model, where each country exports a unique good to the other two countries, and find that the formation of an FTA induces a non-member to lower its tariffs on members. Kawabata et al. (2010) and Yanase et al. (2012) use an oligopoly model with a vertical trade structure to show that FTA formation motivates a non-member to raise or reduce its tariffs.

  7. Using a dynamic farsighted network formation model, Lake (2017) shows that even if countries are symmetric, FTAs may be stumbling blocks, depending on the discount factor.

  8. It is assumed that \(\alpha >c\).

  9. Even if countries simultaneously set their import tariffs and production subsidies, the main results of our study remain valid. However, if the timing of setting tariffs and production subsidies is reversed, some of our main findings would need modifications. See Section 3.2 and Appendix 3.

  10. For example, following the Uruguay Round Agreement (such as converting non-tariff measures into tariffs and reducing tariffs), Japan’s agricultural policy shifted toward income compensation for farmers.

  11. Equations (7) and (9) show that a country’s first-order conditions depend not only on its own policy variables but also on other countries’ policy variables. Therefore, the strategic independence of countries’ policies does not hold in our model with tariffs and production subsidies. By contrast, the strategic independence holds in a model with tariffs alone (see Appendix 2).

  12. See Appendix 1 for pre-RTA outputs and consumption levels.

  13. When country \(i\) pursues a policy of laissez-faire (\({s}_{i}={t}_{i}=0\)), the effect of country \(j\)’s and \(k\)’s production subsidies on country \(i\)’s welfare is given by \(\partial {W}_{i}/\partial {s}_{j}=\partial {W}_{i}/\partial {s}_{k}=-\left[3\left(\alpha -c\right)-7{s}_{j}-7{s}_{k}-4{t}_{j}-4{t}_{k}\right]/16\), \(i, j, k=X, Y, Z\), \(i\ne j\ne k\). Country \(j\)’s and \(k\)’s production subsidies may worsen country \(i\)’s welfare unless production subsidies and tariffs imposed by countries \(j\) and \(k\) are extremely high.

  14. In a model with tariffs alone, non-member Z’s tariff is the same before and after an RTA; thus, an RTA does not affect \({q}_{Zi}\) (\(i=X, Y, Z\)) and \({Q}_{Z}\).

  15. See Appendix 1 for FTA outputs and consumption levels.

  16. The FTA increases the net government revenue of non-member Z (tariff revenue minus production subsidy expenditure) because an increase in its tariff revenue outweighs an increase in its production subsidy spending.

  17. See Appendix 1 for MTA outputs and consumption levels.

  18. Similar to Riezman (1999) and Ornelas (2007), we posit that when a country evaluates the possibility of playing alone (a one-country coalition), it assumes that the other countries will choose the best alternative for themselves.

  19. From Eqs. (16), (17), (24), and (25), \({t}_{Z}^{DF}>{t}_{Z}^{F}\) and \({s}_{Z}^{F}>{s}_{Z}^{DF}\). However, the differences in non-member Z’s policies under an FTA and under a deep FTA are very small.

  20. See Appendix 1 for equilibrium outputs and consumption levels under a deep FTA. As in the case of an FTA, we can explain the effects of a deep FTA on output and consumption.

  21. The intuition behind Proposition 5 (i) and (ii) is similar to that behind Propositions 2 and 3, except that a deep FTA increases firm Z’s profits because an increase in its export profits outweighs a reduction in its local profits.

  22. From Eqs. (16) and (30), \({t}_{Z}^{C}>{t}_{Z}^{F}\). However, the difference in non-member Z’s tariffs under an FTA and under a CU is sufficiently small.

  23. See Appendix 1 for CU outputs and consumption levels. As with an FTA, the effects of a CU on \({q}_{ij}\), \({q}_{Zi}\), and \({Q}_{Z}\) can be explained (\(i, j=X, Y\), \(i\ne j\)). A CU increases member \(i\)’s consumption because the increase in imports from partner \(j\) outweighs the reduction in firm \(i\)’s and Z’s sales in country \(i\)’s market.

  24. The intuition for CU members X and Y can be explained similarly to Propositions 2 and 3, except that the regime change from a CU to an MTA decreases firm X’s and Y’s profits.

  25. Yi (1996) demonstrated that global free trade is the unique equilibrium outcome in a symmetric three-country (or four-country) model of Cournot competition.

  26. From Eqs. (30), (31), (35), and (36), \({t}_{Z}^{DC}>{t}_{Z}^{C}\) and \({s}_{Z}^{C}<{s}_{Z}^{DC}\). However, the differences in non-member Z’s policies under a CU and under a deep CU are very small.

  27. See Appendix 1 for equilibrium outputs and consumption levels under a deep CU. As in the case of a CU, we can explain effects of a deep CU on \({q}_{ij}\), \({q}_{iZ}\), \({q}_{Zi}\), and \({Q}_{i}\) (\(i, j=X, Y\), \(i\ne j\)).

  28. The intuition for \({W}_{i}^{DC}>{W}_{i}^{*}\) (\(i=X, Y\)) can be explained similarly to Proposition 2.

  29. The intuition for \({W}_{i}^{DM}>{W}_{i}^{DC}\) (\(i=X, Y\)) is similar to that behind Proposition 3.

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Acknowledgements

I am grateful to two anonymous referees for helpful comments. I am responsible for any remaining errors.

Funding

This work was supported by a JSPS Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C) (no. 21K01444).

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All authors made substantial contributions to the study concept or formal analysis; drafted the manuscript or revised it critically for important intellectual content; approved the final version of the manuscript to be published; and agreed to be accountable for all aspects of the work.

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Correspondence to Yasushi Kawabata.

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Appendices

Appendix 1. Equilibrium outputs and consumption levels for each regime

  1. (i)

    Pre-RTA regime (\(i, j=X, Y, Z\), \(i\ne j\))

    \({q}_{ii}^{*}\)

    \({q}_{ij}^{*}\)

    \({Q}_{i}^{*}\)

    \(0.43105\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.16721\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.76547\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

  2. (ii)

    FTA (\(i, j=X, Y\), \(i\ne j\))

    \({q}_{ii}^{F}={q}_{ij}^{F}\)

    \({q}_{iZ}^{F}\)

    \({Q}_{i}^{F}\)

    \(0.37025\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.1982\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.93871\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    Non-member country Z

    \({q}_{ZZ}^{F}\)

    \({q}_{Zi}^{F}\)

    \({Q}_{Z}^{F}\)

    \(0.38798\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.21311\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.8142\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

  3. (iii)

    Deep FTA (\(i, j=X, Y\), \(i\ne j\))

    Member country \(i\)

    \({q}_{ii}^{DF}={q}_{ij}^{DF}\)

    \({q}_{iZ}^{DF}\)

    \({Q}_{i}^{DF}\)

    \(0.35974\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.19517\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.91466\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    Non-member country Z

    \({q}_{ZZ}^{DF}\)

    \({q}_{Zi}^{DF}\)

    \({Q}_{Z}^{DF}\)

    \(0.40849\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.19215\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.79279\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

  4. (iv)

    CU (\(i, j=X, Y\), \(i\ne j\))

    Member country \(i\)

    \({q}_{ii}^{C}={q}_{ij}^{C}\)

    \({q}_{iZ}^{C}\)

    \({Q}_{i}^{C}\)

    \(0.3974\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.12345\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.91824\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    Non-member country Z

    \({q}_{ZZ}^{C}\)

    \({q}_{Zi}^{C}\)

    \({Q}_{Z}^{C}\)

    \(0.35438\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.22556\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.80549\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

  5. (v)

    Deep CU (\(i, j=X, Y\), \(i\ne j\))

    Member country \(i\)

    \({q}_{ii}^{DC}={q}_{ij}^{DC}\)

    \({q}_{iZ}^{DC}\)

    \({Q}_{i}^{DC}\)

    \(0.3669\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.12356\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.85736\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    Non-member country Z

    \({q}_{ZZ}^{DC}\)

    \({q}_{Zi}^{DC}\)

    \({Q}_{Z}^{DC}\)

    \(0.40608\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.17666\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

    \(0.75941\left(\alpha -c\right)\)

  6. (vi)

    MTA and deep MTA (\(i, j, k=X, Y, Z,\) \(i\ne j\ne k\))

    \({q}_{ii}^{M}= {q}_{ij}^{M}={q}_{ik}^{M}\)

    \({Q}_{i}^{M}\)

    \(\left(\alpha -c\right)/3\)

    \(\alpha -c\)

    The equilibrium outputs and consumption levels for a deep MTA are the same as those for an MTA.

Appendix 2. Case without industrial policy

Suppose that the three governments do not provide production subsidies, \({s}_{i}=0\) (\(i=X, Y, Z\)).

In the absence of an industrial policy, under the pre-RTA regime, country \(i\)’s first-order condition for welfare maximization is given by

$$\frac{\partial {W}_{i}}{\partial {t}_{i}}=\frac{3\left(\alpha -c\right)-10{t}_{i}}{8}=0, i=X, Y, Z.$$
(38)

Equation (38) shows that a country’s first-order condition depends only on its tariff, indicating the strategic independence of countries’ policies. From Equation (38), the pre-RTA tariff of country \(i\) is

$${\widetilde{t}}_{i}^{*}=\frac{3}{10}\left(\alpha -c\right), i=X, Y, Z.$$
(39)

The pre-RTA welfare level is

$${\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{*}=0.42{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}, i=X, Y, Z.$$
(40)

Under an FTA between countries X and Y, the member countries eliminate tariffs on each other. The FTA member \(i\)’s first-order condition for welfare maximization is given by

$$\frac{\partial {W}_{i}}{\partial {t}_{iZ}}=\frac{3\left(\alpha -c-7{t}_{iZ}\right)}{16}=0, i=X, Y$$
(41)

From Equation (41), FTA member \(i\)’s external tariff is

$${\widetilde{t}}_{iZ}^{F}=\frac{1}{7}\left(\alpha -c\right), i=X, Y.$$
(42)

From Equations (39) and (42), \({\widetilde{t}}_{iZ}^{F}<{\widetilde{t}}_{i}^{*}\) (\(i=X, Y\)). Because of the strategic independence, the welfare maximization problem of non-member Z in the FTA regime remains the same as that in the pre-RTA regime; thus, non-member Z’s tariff is the same before and after the FTA.

The FTA welfare levels of member and non-member countries are

$${\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{F}=0.44878{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}, {\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{F}=0.44082{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}, i=X, Y.$$
(43)

From Equations (40) and (43), \({\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{F}>{\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{*}\) (\(i=X, Y\)), and \({\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{F}>{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{*}\). In addition, \({\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{F}>{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{F}\) (\(i=X, Y\)).

Under an MTA, the three countries remove tariffs. Their MTA welfare levels are

$${\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{M}=0.46875{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}, i=X, Y, Z.$$
(44)

From Equations (43) and (44), \({\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{M}>{\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{F}\) (\(i=X, Y\)) and \({\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{M}>{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{F}\).

Consider three trade regimes: (a) MFN tariffs (the pre-RTA regime); (b) an FTA between countries X and Y; and (c) an MTA. Using Equations (40), (43), and (44), we find that only an MTA is in the core because it is the best regime for all three countries (\({\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{*}<{\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{F}<{\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{M}\), for \(i=X, Y, Z\)).

We summarize the results as follows.

Proposition A1

  1. (i)

    \({\widetilde{W}}_{X}^{F}={\widetilde{W}}_{Y}^{F}>{\widetilde{W}}_{X}^{*}={\widetilde{W}}_{Y}^{*}\) and \({\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{F}>{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{*}\).

  2. (ii)

    \({\widetilde{W}}_{X}^{M}={\widetilde{W}}_{Y}^{M}>{\widetilde{W}}_{X}^{F}={\widetilde{W}}_{Y}^{F}\) and \({\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{M}>{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{F}\).

  3. (iii)

    In the absence of industrial policy, only an MTA is in the core in the case of FTA

Under a CU between countries X and Y, the tariffs between member countries are eliminated. The first-order condition for joint-welfare maximization by the CU members is given by

$$\frac{\partial \left({W}_{X}+{W}_{Y}\right)}{\partial {t}_{C}}=\frac{5\left(\alpha -c\right)-19{t}_{C}}{8}=0.$$
(45)

From Equation (45), CU members’ common external tariff is

$${\widetilde{t}}_{C}=\frac{5}{19}\left(\alpha -c\right).$$
(46)

From Equations (39), (42), and (46), \({\widetilde{t}}_{iZ}^{F}<{\widetilde{t}}_{C}<{\widetilde{t}}_{i}^{*}\) (\(i=X, Y\)). Non-member Z’s tariff is the same before and after the CU because of the strategic independence.

The CU welfare levels of member and non-member countries are

$${\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{C}=0.45737{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}, {\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{C}=0.40554{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}, i=X, Y.$$
(47)

 

From Equations (40) and (47), \({\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{C}>{\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{*}\) (\(i=X, Y\)) and \({\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{C}<{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{*}\). Moreover, from Equations (44) and (47), \({\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{M}>{\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{C}\) (\(i=X, Y\)) and \({\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{M}>{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{C}\).

Consider three trade regimes: (a) MFN tariffs (pre-RTA regime); (b) a CU between countries X and Y; and (c) an MTA. From Equations (40), (44), and (47), only an MTA is in the core because it is the best regime for all countries (\({\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{*}<{\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{C}<{\widetilde{W}}_{i}^{M}\), for \(i=X, Y\), and \({\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{C}<{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{*}<{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{M}\)).

These results are summarized below.

Proposition A2

  1. (i)

    \({\widetilde{W}}_{X}^{C}={\widetilde{W}}_{Y}^{C}>{\widetilde{W}}_{X}^{*}={\widetilde{W}}_{Y}^{*}\) and \({\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{C}<{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{*}\).

  2. (ii)

    \({\widetilde{W}}_{X}^{M}={\widetilde{W}}_{Y}^{M}>{\widetilde{W}}_{X}^{C}={\widetilde{W}}_{Y}^{C}\) and \({\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{M}>{\widetilde{W}}_{Z}^{C}\).

  3. (iii)

    In the absence of industrial policy, only an MTA is in the core in the case of CU.

The above results imply that, given three symmetric countries, RTAs, whether FTAs or CUs, facilitate multilateral trade liberalization in the absence of industrial policy.

Appendix 3. Timing of policy decisions

  1. (I)

    Simultaneous determination of tariffs and production subsidies

    In an FTA, we obtain the following results on the welfare rankings for FTA member and non-member countries: \({\widehat{W}}_{i}^{M}=0.5{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{i}^{F}=0.47794{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{i}^{*}=0.46875{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}\) for member country \(i\) (\(i=X, Y\)), and \({\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{F}=0.51897{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{M}=0.5{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{*}=0.46875{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}\) for non-member Z. This implies that Propositions 2, 3, and 4 hold, even in the case of simultaneous policy decisions.

    In a deep FTA, we find the following welfare rankings: \({\widehat{W}}_{i}^{DM}=0.5{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{i}^{DF}=0.48203{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{i}^{*}\) for member country \(i\) (\(i=X, Y\)), and \({\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{DF}=0.50511{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{DM}=0.5{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{*}\) for non-member Z. Therefore, Proposition 5 holds.

    In a CU, the following welfare rankings are obtained: \({\widehat{W}}_{i}^{M}>{\widehat{W}}_{i}^{C}=0.4775{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{i}^{*}\) for member country \(i\) (\(i=X, Y\)), and \({\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{C}=0.5107{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{M}>{\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{*}\) for non-member Z. Thus, Propositions 6 and 7 remain valid.

    In a deep CU, we get the following: \({\widehat{W}}_{i}^{DM}>{\widehat{W}}_{i}^{DC}=0.48557{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{i}^{*}\) for member country \(i\) (\(i=X, Y\)), and \({\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{DM}>{\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{DC}=0.4715{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\widehat{W}}_{Z}^{*}\) for non-member Z. Hence, Proposition 8 remains valid.

  2. (II)

    Determination of production subsidies in stage 1 and tariffs in stage 2

    In an FTA, we find the following welfare rankings:\({\check{W}}_{i}^{M}=0.5{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{i}^{F}=0.47164{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{i}^{*}=0.46713{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}\)  for member country \(i\) (\(i=X, Y\)), and\({\check{W}}_{Z}^{F}=0.51841{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{Z}^{M}=0.5{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{Z}^{*}=0.46713{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}\) for non-member Z. Consequently, Propositions 2, 3 and 4 hold, even if the timing of policy decisions is reversed.

    In a deep FTA, we obtain the following welfare rankings:\({\check{W}}_{i}^{DM}=0.5{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{i}^{DF}=0.47556{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{i}^{*}\) for member country \(i\) (\(i=X, Y\)), and\({\check{W}}_{Z}^{DM}=0.5{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{Z}^{DF}=0.49129{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{Z}^{*}\) for non-member Z. From this result, a deep MTA makes FTA member and non-member countries better off relative to a deep FTA, and only a deep MTA is in the core. This is in sharp contrast with Proposition 5 (ii) and (iii).

    In a CU, the following welfare rankings are obtained:\({\check{W}}_{i}^{M}>{\check{W}}_{i}^{C}=0.47668{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{i}^{*}\)  for member country \(i\) (\(i=X, Y\)), and\({\check{W}}_{Z}^{C}=0.51025{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{Z}^{M}>{\check{W}}_{Z}^{*}\)  for non-member Z. Therefore, Propositions 6 and 7 remain valid.

    In a deep CU, we get the following: \({\check{W}}_{i}^{DM}>{\check{W}}_{i}^{DC}=0.48373{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{i}^{*}\)  for member country \(i\) (\(i=X, Y\)), and \({\check{W}}_{Z}^{DM}>{\check{W}}_{Z}^{DC}=0.46794{\left(\alpha -c\right)}^{2}>{\check{W}}_{Z}^{*}\)  for non-member Z. Thus, Proposition 8 remains valid.

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Kawabata, Y. Industrial Policy and Regional Trade Agreements. J Ind Compet Trade 24, 12 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10842-024-00421-w

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10842-024-00421-w

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