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The management of “quality”: class decomposition and racial formation in a Chicago factory

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Abstract

Workplace training offers a distinctly explicit and uniquely articulate site for the ethnography of the capital–labor relation as an ideological phenomenon, where the everyday work of hegemony is shown to be deeply grounded in the everyday hegemony of work. In this ethnographic account of a factory classroom devoted to introducing production workers to the precepts of Total Quality Management and training them in Statistical Process Control, the neoliberal reform of the labor process—which sought to accomplish a class decomposition of the company’s workforce in favor of an individualizing regime of workers’ personal responsibility and accountability for various quality control operations—repeatedly provoked the company’s Latino workers into angry and vociferous expressions of antagonism to management. Indeed, insofar as the management’s efforts to reform labor by decomposing the workforce as a class formation merely intensified the prevailing preconditions of their racial formation, they thereby only exacerbated anew the Latino workers’ antagonism as workers to the terms of their subordination. Thus, the generic (ostensibly race-neutral) reform of the labor process initiated under the aegis of “Total Quality Management” implicated the presumed management of “quality” in a concomitant reconfiguration of what was, effectively, a contemporary regime of racial management.

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Notes

  1. This crucial insight is, after all, the central (if often unrecognized) theme ultimately animating Marx’s discussion of the fetishism of the commodity-form, which acquires its special status as a “social hieroglyphic” (1867/1976:167) because of the systemic way that the social relations between people, as producers, are mediated by their respective practical relations to things (e.g. tools, machines, raw materials, money, commodities), and finally manifest only in the objectively “social” relations between the things produced by their labor, through exchange (165).

  2. As Marx explains, because human beings realize our purposes in the materials of nature consciously, our work requires that we “subordinate [our] will” to such tasks: “a purposeful will is required for the entire duration of the work. This means close attention” (1867/1976:284). Thus, labor subordination—and also the ensuing (political) problems of social domination, more broadly—is inextricable from some elementary and rather prosaic technical problems that are especially acute in the context of estranged labor, but which notably arise from more ontological features of human creative capacities.

  3. This company name as well as all personal names in the ensuing text are fictive. Due to the fact that some of the people who were my interlocutors in the larger research project are vulnerable to the punitive legal recriminations that could be brought to bear upon their undocumented immigration status, I have chosen to protect the anonymity of the people depicted here. Likewise, in the interests of protecting myself legally against any possible charges of breach of contract or confidentiality on the part of this company, where I was indirectly employed, I have opted to exclude or alter any extraneous details that could serve to identify this particular workplace.

  4. The contradictions of workplace literacy that arise from the place of “training” in labor discipline had diverse ramifications for my own institutionally mediated social situation and practice, both as a workplace-based instructor and as an ethnographer (cf. De Genova 2005:147–166, 2006). Elsewhere, I have elaborated a more extended discussion of the politics of second-language learning in particular in the racialized context of Mexican (or Latino) migrant labor and workplace “training,” including a critical problematization of my own sociopolitical status as a US citizen and “native,” racialized as white (De Genova 2005:13–55).

  5. Throughout the ensuing text, when the category migrant is deployed, it should not be confused with the more precise term migratory; rather, the term migrant is intended to do a certain epistemological work—i.e., to serve as a category of analysis that disrupts the implicit teleology of the more conventional term immigrant, which is posited always from the standpoint of the (migrant-“receiving”) US nation-state (cf. De Genova 2005). In this instance, where the term modifies Puerto Ricans—who are US citizens by colonial birthright and thus, in a juridical sense, precisely not “immigrants”—migrant may be understood to refer to persons who originally migrated to the US mainland from the island of Puerto Rico (as opposed to those born on the mainland).

  6. Even within the academic literature concerned with organizational theory and methods in management and business administration, where the TQM concept originated, there is evidence of some notably critical skepticism about the exuberant promotion of TQM as a “fad” or “fashion” (Abrahamson 1991, 1996; Hackman and Wageman 1995) and its accession to the status of a de facto “social movement” (Hackman and Wageman 1995:309), leading to a marked divergences among rhetoric, technical discourse, and empirical realities (Astley and Zammuto 1992; Zbaracki 1998), and even to its partial disavowal by its originators (Senge 1992; Zbaracki 1998).

  7. For a general discussion of post-Fordist regimes of “flexible accumulation,” see Harvey (1989).

  8. Notably, based upon an extensive survey of workplace ethnographies, Hodson et al. (1993) concluded that enhanced worker autonomy on the job (as a consequence of post-Fordist flexibilization) and the team organization of work had no definitively detrimental effect on levels of worker solidarity, and further, Hodson et al. (1994a, b) judged that workers’ heightened participation in the organization and monitoring of the labor process actually increased worker solidarity and also enhanced workers’ concern over organizational injustice. However, based again on a survey of ethnographic work, Hodson (2002) concluded that heightened worker participation, e.g. in self-monitoring teams, appeared to reduce workplace conflict, at least inasmuch as it did not tend to manifest itself in strike actions. For a revealing account of less formalized but nonetheless stalwart modes of resistance to TQM-inspired reforms of the labor process in an automotive plant, including changes to “the social organization of production,” see Ezzamel et al. (2001).

  9. For an extensive analysis of the specificities of Mexican/migrant racialization, see De Genova (2005); for a related analysis of the dynamics of racialization between Mexicans and Puerto Ricans, see De Genova and Ramos-Zayas (2003).

  10. For a fuller depiction of the particularities of Imperial Enterprises as a workplace, see the variety of related discussions in De Genova (2005) and De Genova and Ramos-Zayas (2003).

  11. For a related discussion of the inadequacies of managerial efforts to implement TQM, see Knights and McCabe (1997).

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Acknowledgments

Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the conference “Toward a Transformative Agenda around Race,” sponsored by the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity, Ohio State University (1 December 2007), for a session devoted to the theme of race and management, and to the Department of Anthropology at Goldsmiths College, University of London (6 February 2008). I am particularly grateful to Dave Roediger for inviting me to participate in the earlier event, which proved to be instrumental for my efforts to conceptualize what was finally at stake in the ethnographic material presented here. I likewise owe a note of appreciation to Roger Sansi-Roca and David Graeber for the latter invitation. I am also grateful to Sophie Day, Betsy Esch, Mao Mollona, and Howie Winant for their critical insights on these occasions.

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De Genova, N. The management of “quality”: class decomposition and racial formation in a Chicago factory. Dialect Anthropol 34, 249–272 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10624-009-9145-2

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