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A ‘Greater Chinese Union’

Striving toward a solution of Taiwan’s unresolved future status

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Abstract

Lasting peace across the Taiwan Strait cannot be reached before the leaders in Beijing and Taipei agree on the framework within which a political settlement can be discussed. This article examines one possible end goal for lasting peace in the Strait, a ‘Greater Chinese Union’. This model is founded on principles guiding the unique relationship between Finland and the Åland Islands as well as centuries old Chinese practices of governance. The article intentionally distances itself from the present, day-to-day antagonistic politics of the Taiwan Strait and instead describes the framework within which a peaceful settlement could be negotiated.

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Notes

  1. Chen 2005: 22.

  2. See US Department of Defense 2000; US Department of Defense 2006: 29.

  3. Qin 2007.

  4. Fletcher 2007; White House 2007.

  5. Talks by President Martti Ahtisaari of Finland and Ambassador Sastrohandoyo Wiryono of Indonesia at the inaugural conference of the ASEM Education Hub Thematic Network in Peace and Conflict Studies, “Lessons of Peace Processes”, in Copenhagen, August 31, 2007.

  6. The model ‘Greater Chinese Union’ was initially put forward in the ICG Taiwan Strait Report IV by the International Crisis Group (ICG), who commissioned the author of this article to write the first draft of the report: ICG 2004. In this article the author has further elaborated on the ‘Greater Chinese Union’ based on comments she has received since publication of the ICG report as well as research interviews she has conducted in Beijing 2005–2006. See also Evans 2004; Jakobson 2004a; Jakobson 2005.

  7. People’s Daily Online 2005.

  8. See Chinoy 2002.

  9. People’s Daily Online 2005.

  10. Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council website provides results of polls conducted since 1991: http://www.mac.gov.tw/english/english/pos/9112/po9112e.htm.

  11. As is the case when examining any opinion poll, the wording of the questions put to responders is crucial. For example, in a poll carried out in 2002 probing Taiwanese attitudes toward a reunification model based on “1 country, 2 systems” the answers varied considerably, depending on whether the question did not contain any explanation of the model, or if the question elaborated on the meaning of “one country, 2 systems” or referred to Hong Kong. Author’s interview during ICG research with Liu I-Chou, Director of Institute of Public Opinion at National Chengchi University, Taipei, February 8, 2003. “Rational evaluation” signifies “basing their decisions on the changing environment.” Sheng 2002: 25–26.

  12. Stepan 1999: 20.

  13. Elazar 1993: 190.

  14. Drawing parallels can also be misleading. There are at least two distinct differences between the Finland-Åland and China-Taiwan cases. First, in the Finland-Åland case both entities have democratically chosen political leaders and an established rule of law. Second, in 1918 the residents of Åland would have preferred to live in an autonomous entity linked to Sweden, not Finland (University of Tampere 1998).

  15. Nyberg 1991: 12.

  16. Lapidoth 1996: 70–77.

  17. Nyberg 1991: 11–14.

  18. See Bartlett 2001: 118.

  19. Watson 1993: 93.

  20. Ibid: 99; see also Weller 1999: 26–27.

  21. White 2000: 4–6; see also Dittmer and Kim 1993; Friedman 1997.

  22. Admittedly, ‘sovereignty’ and ‘nation’ are modern concepts, unknown in imperial China, so any attempt to adapt traditional approaches of governance to the present day can only be allusive.

  23. Cabestan 2002: 95.

  24. Author’s discussions with mid-level PRC officials in Beijing and Shanghai in 2006. See also Carlson 2002: 25–28.

  25. Cooper 2002.

  26. He 2001: 15.

  27. BNO stands for ‘British National Overseas’. Before the handover of Hong Kong on July 1, 1997, Britain conferred a special status to a certain number of Hong Kong residents. However, this status did not automatically grant them the right to abode in Britain and many of these BNO passport holders had other foreign passports as well.

  28. He 2001: 9–17.

  29. See Kan 2007: CRS–69.

  30. Paltiel 2001: 20.

  31. Ibid: 25, 28–30.

  32. Author’s interviews during research for the ICG report in Taipei 2002–2003.

  33. See UN General Assembly.

  34. Chen 2003.

  35. See Lapidoth 1996: 19.

  36. Jakobson 2004b: 43.

  37. ICG 2004: 19.

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Jakobson, L. A ‘Greater Chinese Union’. AEJ 6, 43–55 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10308-007-0156-9

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