Abstract
Western legitimacy theories have mostly focused on the nation-state and the domestic aspects of political legitimacy. However, with the acceleration of globalization, a dimension of legitimacy has come into view that has previously been largely neglected in political science: the international dimension. While the interdependence of nation-states at the global level might put some constraints on the (re)production of legitimacy domestically, it simultaneously allows them to leverage their global standing to gain legitimacy abroad and at home. China is the most prominent example of the growing importance of this dynamic link between internal and external legitimacy. The paper starts with a critical reflection on the prevalent Western legitimacy theories. Based on these reflections, it introduces a new approach which aims to differentiate analytically between internal and external legitimation strategies and to examine the two-level logic linking the two.
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Notes
An earlier version of the paper was presented at the international conference “Legitimacy and Governance” at Fudan University, Shanghai, July 3–4, 2010. The author thanks the participants of the conference for their helpful comments.
CPC Central Committee, “Zhonggong zhongyang guanyu jiaqiang dang de zhizheng nengli jianshe de jueding” (“Resolution on Strengthening the Construction of the Party’s Governing Capacity”), approved by the 4th plenary session of the 16th CPC Central Committee, September 16–19, 2004.
Those Chinese authors quoted most often were Yu Keping (36 quotes), Hu Wei (22 quotes), Wang Puqu (18 quotes), Lin Shangli (16 quotes), Wang Changjiang (14 quotes), Kang Xiaoguang (11 quotes), Wang Bangzuo (9 quotes), Zhang Jian (7 quotes), Yan Jirong (7 quotes) and Huang Weiping (7 quotes). I would like to thank Lena Zimmermann for combing through the mass of references.
For example, Yan Jirong [10].
For a proposal to combine David Easton’s political systems theory and David Beetham’s model of legitimation, see Gunter Schubert and Anna Ahlers [29].
Legitimacy and repression are never independent of one another, but have a close and dynamic interrelationship; however, this will need to be defined systematically elsewhere. Within the scope of this paper, it is sufficient to note that the maintenance of public order and the protection of the physical existence of citizens, both of which may be associated with coercive measures, are among the main functions of state performance. Their pursuit feeds regime legitimacy, among other things. Furthermore, the express display of societal consent, essential for the legitimation of any regime, is in authoritarian regimes typically associated with the repression of public manifestations of active dissent and the suppression of opposition forces. Public displays of consent and repression, which normally fluctuate gradually over time, are therefore two sides of the same coin (see [27]; also Schlumberger, [18]).
CPC Communique, Apparent f5ull text of Communique of fourth plenum of 17th CPC Central committee. BBC-20090920, BBC Monitoring Global Newsline Asia Pacific Political File, December 18, 2009.
Beijing Review, April 30, 2009.
Beijing Review, August 20, 2009.
Renmin Ribao, March 15, 2009, p. 1.
Renmin Ribao, April 3, 2009, p.1; Liu Jianfei, [38].
Liu Jianfei, 2009.
Beijing Review, August 6, 2009.
Xinhua, September 23, 2009.
Renmin Ribao, February 3, 2009.
Renmin Ribao, November 12, 2008, p. 6; April 1, 2009, p. 2; See also Beijing Review, “People/Points”, all editions in the observation period, p. 3.
People’s Daily Online, September 18, 2009.
Beijing Review, April 16, 2009, p. 15; April 23, 2009, p. 13; Liu [35], p.39.
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Holbig, H. International Dimensions of Legitimacy: Reflections on Western Theories and the Chinese Experience. J OF CHIN POLIT SCI 16, 161–181 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11366-011-9142-6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11366-011-9142-6