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Macau, the “Gateway” to China: Exchanges, Routes, and (Dis)Connections in the Jesuit’s Hands

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Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History ((PASTCGH))

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Abstract

This chapter opens that “door” to China, focusing on the work of the members of the Society of Jesus in the city of Macao not only from a religious perspective but also from a military, political, and economic point of view. In this way, the mechanisms by which the members of this religious order participated in the exchange of products in the region and the routes they used to distribute Asian goods in those territories can be identified.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    My translation; original in Spanish said: ues.

  2. 2.

    My translation; original in Spanish said: “pues no habiendo otra puerta que la de Macan [Macao], por donde se yntroduzgan [sic] los missioneros en la China, conviene abrirla por este medio pues no [h]ay otro p[ar]a conservar y adelantar la fee y religión catholica que esta plantada en aquel Imperio por los religiosos…”. Letter from Consejo de Indias in Madrid, 15 December 1688, in “Expediente sobre el comercio con Macao”. AGI. Filipinas, 24, R.4, N.27.

  3. 3.

    B.A. 49-V-3. f.338v.

  4. 4.

    My translation; original in Portuguese said “aquí não há bens de raiz, nem outro modo algum de vida, mas que o embarcar a hir fazer comercio” (Videira Pires 1994: 5).

  5. 5.

    My translation; original in Portuguese said “como esta terra não vive de outra coisa (senão do mar), quanto mais Navios tiver hé melhor para viver o povo, que não se pode ocupar nesta Cidade em outra couza” (Videira Pires 1993: 11).

  6. 6.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “pusieron fletes de todos los portugueses que quisiessen cargar para el Perú…”. “Relación del segundo viaje del jesuita Alonso Sánchez a China en 1584”. AGI. Filipinas, 79. Nº13. f.2vta.

  7. 7.

    “Relación del segundo viaje del jesuita Alonso Sánchez a China en 1584”. AGI. Filipinas, 79. Nº13. f.3.

  8. 8.

    For example, the Leal Senado da Camara do Macao did not give Jesuit Father Mateo Francisco Cipriano Cebrian permission to travel from Macao to Japan in 1638. The main reason was the risk that everything would be lost in Japan and all the people there would be killed. So, Father Cipriano Cebrian returned to India, where he came from (Aresta and Viega de Oliveira 1998: 69–72). In this situation, some Jesuits tried to enter Japan clandestinely (Antonio Rubino in 1638, and Pedro Marqués in 1643) and Jovanni Sidotti was the last of them to attempt it in 1708 (Takizawa 2010: 138).

  9. 9.

    At the same time, the growing levels of Brazilian sugar production increased and with that Brazil’s role changed inside the Portuguese empire. So, the roles of Brazil and the Estado da Índia had reversed as a result of a combination of factors (corruption, natural disasters, and maritime losses) by the mid-seventeenth century (Schwartz 2007: 21).

  10. 10.

    This term is usually used to refer to the Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughals Empires.

  11. 11.

    “Relación del segundo viaje del jesuita Alonso Sánchez a China en 1584”. AGI. Filipinas, 79. Nº13. f.2. The chapa de plata [silver plate] was awarded to Father Miguel Ruggiero, referred to as “Rogerio” in this source. See edition of this type of document in Santos and Fong (1997).

  12. 12.

    Picos is a measure of weight used in East Asia equivalent to just over 60 kilograms or about 100 cates (one cate, catty in English and Jin in Chinese equals 625 grams). Pico comes from the Malay form píkul, meaning “a man’s burden” (Ollé 1999: 200, note 233).

  13. 13.

    The Portuguese term Palo de la China is a kind of a mushroom that grows underground and was used in traditional Chinese medicine particularly for spleen diseases (Moncó 2012: 12, note 23).

  14. 14.

    My translation; original in Spanish said “…solamente lo que los Portugueses sacan [desde Macao] para la India, Japon y Manila, importa un año por otro cinco mil y trescientos caxones de varias telas de seda, incluyéndose en cada uno ciento de las de mas sustancia, como terciopelos, damascos, y rasos; de las mas sencillas, como damasquillos, tafeciras, y tafetanes, hasta dozientas y cincuenta. De oro dos mil y dozientos panes, de onze a doze onças cada uno. De almizcle siete picos, que son más de treinta y cinco arrobas. Sin esto el aljófar, el açucar, las porcelanas, el palo de la China, el reobarbaro, las curiosidades doradas y otras muchas cosas de menos porte…”. Manuel de Faria e Sousa. “Imperio de la China, y cultura evangélica en él por los Religiosos de la Compañia de Jesus: sacado de las noticias del P. Alvaro Semmedo [Texto impreso]” Lisboa, 1731. In BNE. Mss. 67,666. p.10.

  15. 15.

    Regulations on shipbuilding were established restricting the size and tonnage of merchant junks, and firearms were banned on board. So, trade was legal, but the Chinese merchant navy lost autonomy.

  16. 16.

    Soma were trading vessels sailed by the Chinese inhabitants of Batavia, who as vassals of the emperor were not allowed to sail, thus directly damaging Dutch interests.

  17. 17.

    About the Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Macao (Holy house of Mercy) see Díaz de Seabra (2011).

  18. 18.

    Father Alessandro Valignano was Visitor of the Society of Jesus in the East, and after passing through Macao in 1577–1578, he suggested the need to inspire Jesuits to learn the Chinese language and customs (Espadinha and Díaz de Seabra 2005: XXX).

  19. 19.

    In January 1835, a fire destroyed both buildings, leaving only the famous façade of the church which remains to this day (O’Neill and Dominguez Vol. III, 2001: 2453). For a reconstruction of the Jesuit complex in Macau realized by the architect Francisco Vizeu Pinheiro, see in Basto da Silva (2015: 71).

  20. 20.

    This time coincides with the end of the so-called Muromachi period in Japan (1396–1573), with the Ashikaga dynasty ruling from Kyoto. This was followed by a transitional period called the Azuchi-Momoyama period (1573–1615), until the rise of the Tokugawa dynasty (1615–1867), known as the Edo period after the new capital, current Tokyo (Martínez Shaw 2008: 10).

  21. 21.

    At this moment, the local lords (daimyō) were engaged in endless wars during the Sengoku period (“Warring States”, 1467–1573). For this reason, the new European firearms would play a key role at this time. This period ends with the figure of Oda Nobunaga. He used Portuguese firearms on the battlefield, overpowering the neighbouring daimyō until he entered Kyoto and displaced the last Ashikaga Shogun (Martínez Shaw 2008: 11–12).

  22. 22.

    BA. Coleção Jesuítas na Asia. Códice 49-IV-56. Nº 21. f.198vta.

  23. 23.

    Luís de Almeida was born in Portugal in 1525. In 1546, he was declared fit to practice Medicine and Surgery by the Cirurgiao-mor (Surgeon-Major) of the Kingdom of Portugal, Mestre Gil. Two years later, Almeida left for India, soon after joining the Society of Jesus in Yamaguchi (early 1550 s), dedicating the rest of his life towards the establishment of a European/Europeanized medical system in Japan. However, his ordinations as a priest occurred 24 years later, in Macau (6 May 1580). At the end of his life, Almeida was appointed Superior of Amakusa (1581–1583). He died in Kawachinoura in October 1583 (De Sousa 2018b: 199).

  24. 24.

    In these years, an annual aid of about 1,000 cruzados given by King Sebastian to the alfándega de Malaca for the College of Funai (Oita), which was paid late and very rarely; and another 1,000 cruzados was rendered by the Baçaim fazendas in India (Videira Pires 1993: 129).

  25. 25.

    BA. Coleção Jesuítas na Asia. Codex 49-IV-56. Nº 21. f.199.

  26. 26.

    Retrós: that is what silk was called at the time, “trustworthy and twisted” [“fiada e torcida”] (Loureiro 2007: 41).

  27. 27.

    Ranquéis: it corresponds to 10 porcelain plates (Loureiro 2007: 50, note 22).

  28. 28.

    BA. Coleção Jesuítas na Asia. Codex 49-IV-56. Nº 21. f.198.

  29. 29.

    BA. Coleção Jesuítas na Asia. Codex 49-IV-56. Nº 21. f.198.

  30. 30.

    Murillo Velarde, Pedro. Geographia Historica de las islas Philipinas, del Africa, y de sus islas adyacentes. Tomo VIII. Madrid: Oficina de D. Gabriel Ramírez, 1752. p. 52.

  31. 31.

    This merchant was active in the trade between Japan and Macao. He was born in Santa Iria, a small village outside Lisbon, Portugal, and came from a family of Jewish converts. His trading activities are recorded in Japan, Macao via Manila, Siam, Cambodia, Timor, and India; and as Etsuko Miyata refers, he was most probably active in many other trading points where the Portuguese had control. Cf. Miyata (2016: 31). For a detailed analysis of the commercial activities of this Portuguese convert in Asian lands, see De Sousa (2010a).

  32. 32.

    My translation; original in Spanish said “los chinas q[ue] aca llaman sangleyes se quedan aquí por sus mercadurías por uno o más años”. AGI. Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.55.

  33. 33.

    My translation; original in Spanish. AGI. Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.55.

  34. 34.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “si fueran [los sangleyes] de diferente natural, valor y brío nos pudiéramos temer de ellos, pero es la gente más apocada y medrosa q[ue] e conocido entre todas las naciones de la Europa y otras partes donde e servido”. AGI. Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.55.

  35. 35.

    Governor appended to his letter a detailed list dated 18 June 1636 in Manila, where he shows the licences granted to Sangleyes between 1613 and 1634, and their respective economic contributions to the city. AGI. Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.55.

  36. 36.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “se podrán gobernar estas yslas sin mas gastos q[ue] las rentas, donativos, medias natas, bullas y d[e]r[ech]os r[eale]s de las mercadurías q[ue] de ellas procedieren”. AGI. Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.55.

  37. 37.

    Letter signed in Manila 30 June 1636. AGI, Filipinas 8, R.3, N.62.

  38. 38.

    A Braza [fathom] is a measure of as much length as a person’s two arms can form when open and extended, which is commonly measured as six feet long. D. A. Tomo I (1726) https://apps2.rae.es/DA.html This unit of length, generally used in the navy, was based on the old Castilian vara and equivalent to 1.6718 m. D.L.E., R.A.E. https://dle.rae.es/braza.

  39. 39.

    AGI. Filipinas, 85, N.110.

  40. 40.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “sirve (…) con mucho amor sin rehusar jamás a lo que se le pide (…) capellanes para los Galeones como para las fuerzas, misiones y cualquiera otra cosa que se les encomienda sin repugnar que se les reformen parte de los estipendios cuando conviene, son Vasallos para bien y mal tratar.” Cavite, 19 June 1636. AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.1.

  41. 41.

    AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.1. In contrast, this governor writes in other letters about the controversies and complaints he had with both Dominicans and Franciscans, as well as with Archbishop Pedro de Monroy, whom he described as “a restless man and a friend of revolutions”. These letters are signed in Manila, 30 June 1636. See AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.35; AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.40; and AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.3, N.43.

  42. 42.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “cerca de la ciudad de Manila, de la otra banda del río hay un pueblo de chinos bautizados que se han quedado a vivir en ella por gozar de la libertad evangélica…” Loyola ([1585] 1989: 160).

  43. 43.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “…hay entre ellos muchos oficiales de oficios mecánicos, como zapateros, sastres, plateros, herreros y de otros oficios, y algunos mercaderes” Loyola ([1585] 1989: 160).

  44. 44.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “sangleyes herreros, azerradores de braças y calafates q[ue] trabajan en la barraca de la otra banda del río de esta Ciudad [Cavite]”. AGI. Contaduría. 1241. f.80 s/n vta.

  45. 45.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “Pedro Henco sangley cabeza de herreros” por los jornales de tres sangleyes herreros de su cuadrilla en la provincia de Pangasinan, dedicados a la clavazón necesaria para los Champanes “que de quenta de Su Magestad se mandaron hacer en dha provincia…”. AGI. Contaduría. 1243. f.81–f.81 vta.

  46. 46.

    AGI. Contaduría. 1243. f.77–f.77 vta.; f.78 vta; and f.81–f.81 vta.

  47. 47.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “728 baynas de espadas. A razón de 1 tomin cada una = 320 baynas de dagas a lo mesmo = 780 puños de espadas y dagas de serda, a razón de 9 granos cada uno; y por la manufactura de haver armado 700 espadas a raçon de 2 pesos y 4 tomines el ciento = 480 hojas de espadas que asicalo a razón de 3 pesos el ciento = 320 hojas de dagas que asimismo asicalo a razón de 1 pesos y 4 tomines el ciento”. AGI. Contaduría. 1243. f.77 vta. y f.78 vta.

  48. 48.

    See this list in AGI. Filipinas, 28. N.31. A transcription of this list is in Miyata (2019: 114–115).

  49. 49.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “trajo los 53 quintales, 1 @ y 17 libras de azogue referidos, se quedó en esta ciudad donde todavía se halla, por no haber podido cobrar sus mercaderías, que vendió fiadas a los vecinos, hasta que venga el Galeón de la Nueva España, y así, a dos años que aguarda…” Manila, 5 June 1695. AGI, Filipinas, 15, R.1, N.43. We know that governor Cruzat continued to buy azogue [mercury] in Macao and then sending it to New Spain. In 1697, Cruzat sent on the Galleon San Francisco Javier a total of 59 quintals and 13 and a half pounds, whose value was 3,748 pesos (63 pesos and 3 tomines each quintal). Manila, 3 June 1698. AGI, Filipinas, 17, R.1, N.25. Sabemos que el gobernador Cruzat continuó la compra de azogue en Macao, enviandolo a Nueva España. En 1697 envió en el Galeón San Francisco Javier un total de 59 quintales y 13 libras y media, cuyo valor fue de 3.748 pesos, es decir, un valor de 63 pesos y 3 tomines cada quintal. Manila, 3 June 1698. AGI, Filipinas, 17, R.1, N.25.

  50. 50.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “cuarenta y tantas personas, muchas dellas mercaderes y gente de consideración”.

  51. 51.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “trescientos mil pesos de empleo en sedas en la ciudad de Macán [Macao] que la galeota traía, sin lo que habían de rendir en Manila las dichas mercadurías, que sin duda fueron otros doscientos mil pesos más, y así fue medio millón la pérdida en ella.” De las Cortes [1625–1626] 1991: 322.

  52. 52.

    It should also be recalled that in 1745, French traders settled in Canton (Teixeira 1984: 402).

  53. 53.

    I only found one ship that made the reverse journey from Macao to Manila during this period 1745–1746, or at least paid derechos reales [royal duties] in the Cajas reales. This is the case of the Chalupa Nuestra Señora de los Placeres under the command of Captain Joseph Rodrígues, which had a cargo of 6,854 pesos and 4 tomines, paying 800 pesos on 27 April 1745; it then brought a cargo of 800 pesos and paid 200 on 19 July 1745; and finally, on 1 June 1746, Chalupa entered Manila with a cargo of 5,813 pesos and 4 tomines, and pays 800 pesos in the said port. AGI, Contaduria, 1289.

  54. 54.

    I refer here to the concept of “normal exceptional” proposed by Edoardo Grendi and used by the authors of Italian Micro History in their analyses, such as Carlo Ginzburg and Giovanni Levi (Ginzburg 1994: 41).

  55. 55.

    Luke Clossey mentions that ten years earlier, in 1638, a ship also called Our Lady of the Conception, “the largest ship ever built in the Philippines, was wrecked on Saipan…”, but in that case all the cargo was lost. Clossey, “Merchants, migrants, missionaries”, 45.

  56. 56.

    AGI, Contaduría 1227. f.182-f. 182 s/n v.

  57. 57.

    AGI, Contaduría 1227. f.183 s/n-s/n v. The term almoneda at the time was defined as “The sale of things that are publicly made with the intervention of justice through the voice of the town crier, who publishes the thing that is sold, and the price that they give for it, so that the buyers may bid one another, and the price is increased, and it is remitted”. Furthermore, it is said that “…this voice can be composed of the name Monéda, and of the article Al, because what is sold there becomes money and monéda”. Finally, its definition also states that it is used in “the market of the things that are won in war, is appreciated for money, each one as much as it is worth”. D.A. Tomo I (1726). https://webfrl.rae.es/DA.html.

  58. 58.

    AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.10. It should be noted that, according to the Philippine crate, the official judges of the Royal Treasury were charged with 54,454 pesos, 5 tomines, and 11 grains of gold that different persons had placed in the royal crate from 21 April to 15 October 1648, resulting from the value of the goods that were auctioned off in the royal treasury of the goods seized from the said Portuguese “as recorded in 285 interpolated entries of the common book, and general of the royal caxa of the said year. AGI, Contaduría, 1227. “Philippine Cash Office. 1648–1649″. f.95.

  59. 59.

    AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.10. N.55.

  60. 60.

    AGI, Filipinas, 2. N.156.

  61. 61.

    AGI, Filipinas, 2. The Emperor spoke, since the musk had been sent to the Jesuits by the German ambassador, Count de Lamberg. AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.7.

  62. 62.

    AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.10. N.55.

  63. 63.

    AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.10. N.55.

  64. 64.

    AGI, Filipinas, 296. N.3.

  65. 65.

    AGI, Filipinas, 22. R.10. N.55.

  66. 66.

    Request made by the Father General Procurator of Indies Manuel de Villabona on 27 February, 1672. AGI, Filipinas, 82. N.30.

  67. 67.

    AGI, Contratación, 266A, N.1, R.3. See also García-Abásolo (2019: 79).

  68. 68.

    Sebastían de Covarrubias Orozco. Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española. Madrid, 1611. f.38v.

  69. 69.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “pero lo que sobretodo tiene afrentada la Compañía, en estas partes [Macao] y en Luçon y Nueva España, donde ya llega, y aun a España habrá llegado, es la mercancía y trato más entablado en los nuestros que en genoveses, y no [es de extrañar] porque nunca tomamos cosa a pechos que no lo hagamos con más eficatia e mañas que ninguna outra suerte de gente.” Letter signed in Macao, 2 June 1584 (Manso 2013: 112, Note no. 8).

  70. 70.

    This particularity should not be linked only to Asian territories because it occurred in numerous missionary spaces of the Society of Jesus. For example, in the Portuguese empire, the Jesuits practised similar strategies in other areas (Alden 1996: 528–551). For example, on 30 March 1642, Simão de Vasconcelos, Jesuit Procurator General of Brazil, requested the confirmation of the grant given during the union of the Iberian crowns by King Philip III to the college of Bahia to be able to plant and cultivate 20,000 quintals of ginger for the Kingdom of Portugal in 15 years; in addition to the payment of dividends and licencia [licence] to sail to the said kingdom with Brazil for 8 years; or salt from the Kingdom of Portugal for Brazil and also requested more congruas for the religious orders who serve in the Indian Aldeias. AHU, CU, BA. Caixa 8. Doc nº 955.

  71. 71.

    My translation; original in Spanish said, “cierto negocio de consideración”.

  72. 72.

    Father Manuel Queirós Pereira owned the boat with Francisco Xavier Doutel. The latter was the owner of several boats. Born in Bragança, he arrived in Macau in 1698 and married Francisca Pereira (sister of the said Jesuit and of the merchant Francisco Leite Pereira, who captained the boat). Videira Pires (1993: 127 and 142).

  73. 73.

    “Carta que o Senn.o mandou em Siao ao M. R.do P.e Antonio Soares Rellig.o da Comp.a de Jesus”. 28 January 1721. Arquivos de Macau. Vol. I. Nº3. August 1929: 155–156.

  74. 74.

    “Problemas de los barcos para salir hacia Filipinas”. Mexico, 24 April 1716. AHN, Diversos-Colecciones, 43, N.21.

  75. 75.

    Cfr. “Entrega de ciertas cantidades de una deuda”. Acapulco, 27 March 1717. AHN, Diversos-Colecciones 43. N.22; and “Venta de cambar y almizcle”. Mexico, 23 June 1718. AHN, Diversos-Colecciones 43. N.108.

  76. 76.

    Beca is a type of vestment and ornament formerly worn by clergymen which was a silk chia or cloth, which hung from the neck to the feet. D.A. Tomo I (1726). https://webfrl.rae.es/DA.html

  77. 77.

    B.A. 49-V-29. f.133-f.134.

  78. 78.

    This power of attorney was granted on 9 March 1758 to the Sobrecargo Miguel Grubl of the East India Company ship named the Prince Charles (whose captain was Baltasar Grubl) and which was anchored in the city of Cadiz. AHM. SEIC. F.17.13. T1_05773 to T1_05779.

  79. 79.

    AHM. SEIC. F.17.13. T1_05773 to T1_05774.

  80. 80.

    My translation; original in Portuguese said, “desembarcara nove bolças de Prata, q trouxe de Manilla no Barco S[an]ta Anna escondidas aos direitos…”. Actas das Sessoes do Leal Senado da Cámara. 11 April 1714. AHM. LS. 0333. p.45.

  81. 81.

    Actas das Sessoes do Leal Senado da Cámara. 11 April 1714. AHM. LS. 0333, p. 45.

  82. 82.

    My translation;original in Portuguese said, “q[ue] apenas aparece qualq[ue]r navio, he dos primerios q[ue] vai a bordo, não reparado seja estrangeiro, ou noss, e offeracendo-se qual[ue]r pela que seja, assi estrangeiro, ou portuguez p[er]o sobretuam[en]te lhe tirar fazendas p[o]r alto, e sendo estrangeiro lhe ensina as entradas dos embarques, e desembarques, fazendo com que nesta Cid[ad]e não houvesse justicia de V. Mag.e, fiado no su habito, ao m[es]mo que lhe não esta bem ao d[it]o habito…”. Oficios do Leal Senado para os Governos de Goa e Lisboa. 23 December 1741. AHM. LS. s0037.

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    Pedro Omar Svriz-Wucherer

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Svriz-Wucherer, P.O. (2023). Macau, the “Gateway” to China: Exchanges, Routes, and (Dis)Connections in the Jesuit’s Hands. In: Jesuits and Asian Goods in the Iberian Empires, 1580–1700. Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-2464-6_3

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