Abstract
Since social exclusion and inclusion are ‘contested concepts,’ defined from the perspective or framework of different social science paradigms and disciplinary and theoretical perspectives, political ideologies and even national discourses (Silver in Social Exclusion and Social Solidarity: Three Paradisms. ILO, Geneva 1994-6; de Haan in Social Exclusion: Towards an Holistic Understanding of Deprivation, 1999; de Haan and Maxwell in Ids Bulletin 29:1-9, 1998), questions have always been raised as to whether it is possible to define these terms in a manner acceptable to all.
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Notes
- 1.
D. Parthasarathy observed that there are many educational institutions, where there is reservation on the basis of the ability to pay, which no one opposes. Students get admission in the engineering colleges with 35% as the minimum marks. Those who have low percentage, and enough money, get the seats.
- 2.
Critics of reservation policies in India have claimed that the beneficiaries of reserved seats are increasingly second and third generation people from the families which have already benefited from positive discrimination to become middle or upper-middle or ‘new-middle’ classes. As a result, reservation increased inequalities within these groups as children from more backward sub-caste and tribes find it difficult to compete. Rao (2001: 51) is categorical to mention that “reservation tends to reproduce within the beneficiary class”. He further argues that reservation helps those “among the beneficiaries who already enjoy the greatest advantages and obtain disproportionately large shares of the benefits”. Supporting other’s view, i.e., reservation has created privileged Dalit elites. Sachhidananda concludes that the “creation of a more privileged group among untouchables could well be benefited to the general untouchable population” by enabling them to play a stronger and more independent role as leaders of their own community, see Sinha (1977: 255) cited in Thomas E. Weisskopf, “Some Aspects of Reservation in Higher Education” in Sukhadeo Thorat, Aryama and Prashant Negi (eds.) Reservation and Private Sector: Quest for Equal Opportunity and Growth. Jaipur: Rawat, 2005:394–395.
- 3.
According to Amartya Sen, Japan has become the model of market economy in the world only because of the priority given to education by the Meji Era (1868–1911) though it was economically still quite underdeveloped. For details, see, Sen (2000: 25).
- 4.
One is a private educational institution which offers so-called quality education in English medium with a high fee, and another is public or government-funded educational institution that provides ‘poor quality’ education in local or national language but the fee is very nominal or only for namesake.
- 5.
The budget of fiscal year 2016–2017 provisioned scholarships with the amount of NRs. 400 per year to all Dalits up to class 10. And Student Bank scholarship in intermediate level and Rs 2000 per month for higher studies in the special categories.
- 6.
Banke district of mid-western region of Nepal can be a good example which shows a kind of disastrous situation of Dalit youths where the dropout rate of Dalit students from primary to secondary level education is more than 95%. According to the report, only 882 Dalit students can continue till the secondary level of education even if 15,317 Dalit students were enrolled at the primary level. Again, only 2336 students (around 15%) out of the total 15,317 primary students were enrolled in the lower-secondary schools. For details, see Regmi S (2007) Dalit Samudaya ko Siksha ma Pahunch Ajhai Neuna [Still a meager access of Dalits in the education]. Rajdhani, 24 December 2007.
- 7.
According to Beteille, each family has a stock of cultural capital comprising its command over knowledge, skill, tastes, etc., that are part of its distinctive way of life. It has also its own social capital in the form of networks of relationships, partly acquired from the past and partly constructed through the initiatives of its members. According to him, “family, particularly in the service class, does succeed in transmitting its cultural and social capital to its younger members” to grasp the available best opportunities. For details, see Betellie A (1999) The reproduction of inequality: occupation, caste and family. In: Sharma KL (ed) Social inequality in India: profiles of caste, class, power and social mobility. Rawat Publications, Jaipur, p 44.
- 8.
A common School System is a system of education, providing education of an equitable quality to all children irrespective of their caste, creed, community, language, gender, economic condition, social status and physical and mental ability. The system calls for the application of common minimum norms of quality education by all schools in the system so that no parent would ordinarily feel any need to send his/her child to the institution outside the system. For details, see an unpublished report submitted by the Common School System Commission to the Government of Bihar, June 8, 2007.
- 9.
For details, see an unpublished report submitted by the Common School System Commission to the Government of Bihar, June 8, 2007.
- 10.
Middle-class parents have become increasingly career conscious, and this consciousness is implanted in their children at a young age. The idea that the child will step automatically or effortlessly into his/her parent’s occupation has ceased to be a secure basis for socialisation: a different kind of preparation is now required for his/her success in the future. The school has emerged as a major institution for mediating the relationship between the family and the new occupational system, and it also plays a major part in the reproduction of inequality. For details, see Celeman (1990); Jencks (1975) cited in Betellie A (1999) The reproduction of inequality: occupation, caste and family. In: Sharma KL (ed) Social inequality in India: profiles of caste, class, power and social mobility. Rawat Publications, Jaipur, pp 143–144.
- 11.
Bal Krishna Sunar, Ganesh Nepali, Bimal Nepali, Sanju B.K., Tara Nepali, and Karna Bahadur Nepali all mention the problem of Dalit as a class problem.
- 12.
Lohia’s main message was jati-todo (break caste barriers) which included not wearing the sacred thread and dropping caste names.
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Pyakurel, U. (2021). Conclusion. In: Reproduction of Inequality and Social Exclusion. Evidence-Based Approaches to Peace and Conflict Studies, vol 2. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-8908-9_5
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