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Abstract

Since NLD assumed office in March 2016, Myanmar’s China policy has experienced with adjustments due to the changing external environments and domestic politics. Externally, the rising tensions in the SCS indicated high risks of getting involved in Sino-US power rivalry for Myanmar. Internally, the deepening cooperative relations between the democratic government and the military ensured the stability in Myanmar while the Rohingya refugee crisis deteriorated Myanmar’s relations with the West. Given this, the Burmese democratic leaders have pursued China’s help for economic development and diplomatic protection while continuing to counterbalance China by practising an active neighborhood diplomacy and multilateralism.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The White House [1].

  2. 2.

    The Washington Post [2].

  3. 3.

    Wike and Stokes [3].

  4. 4.

    Swaine [4].

  5. 5.

    US Department of Defence [5].

  6. 6.

    US Department of State [6, 7].

  7. 7.

    Gutierrez [8].

  8. 8.

    Nguyen [9].

  9. 9.

    Chatmas [10].

  10. 10.

    According to Murray Hiebert, the US has no focus on Myanmar except the Rohingya refugees. Interviewed with Murray Hiebert, Senior Associate [11].

  11. 11.

    Interviewed with Murray Hiebert, Senior Associate [11].

  12. 12.

    Interviewed with Professor Yin Myo Thu at University of Yangon [12].

  13. 13.

    Interviewed with Senior Engineer Guo Yu at Chinese State Power Investment Corporation (CPCI) [13].

  14. 14.

    According to my interviews with many Myanmar scholars since 2017, they emphasised that the government officials want to attract Chinese investment to promote the economic development while the local farmers are discontent with Chinese investment. Interviewed with Professor Yin Myo Thu at University of Yangon [12] and Interviewed with Dr. Myint San, Vice Chairman of Dawei SEZ Management Committee of Myanmar [14].

  15. 15.

    Three-stage Path: first, to effect a ceasefire on the ground, to return to stability and order; second, find a workable solution for the return of refugees; third, to work toward a long-term solution based on poverty alleviation. See Lee [15].

  16. 16.

    Yun [16].

  17. 17.

    For instance, Professor Li Chengyang at Yunnan University said that the NLD government could not address the ethnic issue at the conference of “Myanmar Situation in 2017 and Sino-Myanmar Relations”, Kunming, December 28, 2017.

  18. 18.

    Moe [17].

  19. 19.

    The Economist [18].

  20. 20.

    Kurlantzick [19].

  21. 21.

    McCarthy [20, p. 142].

  22. 22.

    Chau [21] and Bharat [22].

  23. 23.

    Selth [23].

  24. 24.

    Silverstein [24, p. 1007].

  25. 25.

    Hlaing [25, p. 364].

  26. 26.

    Cartalucci [26].

  27. 27.

    Hlaing [25, p. 365].

  28. 28.

    Farmaner [27].

  29. 29.

    Min Aung Mlaing [28].

  30. 30.

    Farmaner [29].

  31. 31.

    The New Light of Myanmar [30].

  32. 32.

    McCarthy [20, p. 145].

  33. 33.

    Ibid.

  34. 34.

    Myoe [31, p. 103].

  35. 35.

    Sein [32].

  36. 36.

    Myanmar State Counselor Office [33].

  37. 37.

    Kapoor and Thant [34] and Lintner [35].

  38. 38.

    Dunn et al. [36, p. 38].

  39. 39.

    Lee and Lone [37].

  40. 40.

    Lee and Aung [38].

  41. 41.

    Marex [39].

  42. 42.

    Chau et al. [40].

  43. 43.

    Htwe and Wai [41].

  44. 44.

    Thant [42].

  45. 45.

    Interviewed with Professor Yin Myo Thu at University of Yangon [12].

  46. 46.

    Beining and Shuqun [43].

  47. 47.

    Consult-Myanmar [44].

  48. 48.

    Lwin [45].

  49. 49.

    Aizhu [46].

  50. 50.

    Global New Light of Myanmar [47].

  51. 51.

    Sein [32].

  52. 52.

    Kristensen [48].

  53. 53.

    Yun [49].

  54. 54.

    RAF [50].

  55. 55.

    Reuters [51].

  56. 56.

    The Irrawaddy [52].

  57. 57.

    Tun [53].

  58. 58.

    Mon [54].

  59. 59.

    Ibid.

  60. 60.

    Mon [55].

  61. 61.

    Ives [56].

  62. 62.

    Lee and Myint [57].

  63. 63.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of The People’s Republic of China [58].

  64. 64.

    Zhong Xin Wang [China News Agency] [59].

  65. 65.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of The People’s Republic of China [60].

  66. 66.

    TNI [61, p. 3].

  67. 67.

    Mang [62].

  68. 68.

    Zhou [63].

  69. 69.

    Interviewed with Staff Du Nvni at Upstream Ayeyawady Confluence Basin Hydropower Co., Ltd. [64].

  70. 70.

    Kumbun [65].

  71. 71.

    Ibid.

  72. 72.

    Lwin [66].

  73. 73.

    Ibid.

  74. 74.

    Xin Hua Wang [Xinhua Net] [67].

  75. 75.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of The People’s Republic of China [68].

  76. 76.

    Ibid.

  77. 77.

    Myanmar State Counselor Office [33].

  78. 78.

    Ibid.

  79. 79.

    Lwin [45].

  80. 80.

    CGTN [69].

  81. 81.

    Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) [70].

  82. 82.

    International Liaison Department of CPCCC [71].

  83. 83.

    Lwin [45].

  84. 84.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of The People’s Republic of China [72].

  85. 85.

    Baijie [73].

  86. 86.

    Kiedrowski [74].

  87. 87.

    Quadir [75].

  88. 88.

    U.S. Department of State [76].

  89. 89.

    Ortagus [77].

  90. 90.

    TNI [61, p. 26].

  91. 91.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of The People’s Republic of China [78].

  92. 92.

    Panyue [79].

  93. 93.

    Jianfeng [80].

  94. 94.

    Mian Dian Zai Xian [Myanmar Online] [81].

  95. 95.

    Ministry of Information of Myanmar [82].

  96. 96.

    Xin Hua Wang [Xinhua Net] [83].

  97. 97.

    Interviewed with Associate Professor Zhu Xianghui at Yunnan University [84].

  98. 98.

    Chongkittavorn [85].

  99. 99.

    Anand [86].

  100. 100.

    Weng [87].

  101. 101.

    Xinhua Net [88].

  102. 102.

    Myoe [31, p. 89].

  103. 103.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Thailand [89].

  104. 104.

    ALJAZEERA [90].

  105. 105.

    Mizzima [91].

  106. 106.

    The Irrawaddy [92].

  107. 107.

    Economic Times [93].

  108. 108.

    Sajjanhar [94].

  109. 109.

    The Irrawaddy [92].

  110. 110.

    Myanmar President Office [95].

  111. 111.

    Dixit [96].

  112. 112.

    Myanmar President Office [97].

  113. 113.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan [98].

  114. 114.

    Funakoshi and Lies [99].

  115. 115.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan [98].

  116. 116.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan [100].

  117. 117.

    Ibid.

  118. 118.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan [101].

  119. 119.

    Ibid.

  120. 120.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan [102].

  121. 121.

    TASS [103].

  122. 122.

    Myanmar President Office [104].

  123. 123.

    Nichols [105].

  124. 124.

    United Nations [106].

  125. 125.

    Hiebert [107].

  126. 126.

    United Nations [108].

  127. 127.

    European Union [109].

  128. 128.

    The Global New Light of Myanmar [110].

  129. 129.

    Collected from Statistical Database [111].

  130. 130.

    Ibid.

  131. 131.

    Ibid.

  132. 132.

    Sainsbury [112].

  133. 133.

    Chau [113].

  134. 134.

    Collected from Statistical Database [111].

  135. 135.

    TASS [114].

  136. 136.

    Parameswaran [115].

  137. 137.

    Myint [116].

  138. 138.

    Mizzima [117].

  139. 139.

    Ye [118].

  140. 140.

    SIPRI Arms Transfers Database [119].

  141. 141.

    Myoe [120, p. 30].

  142. 142.

    Pandit [121].

  143. 143.

    Panda [122].

  144. 144.

    Peng [123, p. 595].

  145. 145.

    SIPRI Arms Transfers Database [119], Myint [116] and The Economic Times [124].

  146. 146.

    Routray [125].

  147. 147.

    Sainsbury [112].

  148. 148.

    The Irrawaddy [126].

  149. 149.

    European Union [109] and DW [127].

  150. 150.

    Emmott and Slodkowski [128] and Al JAZEERA [129].

  151. 151.

    Agence France-Presse [130].

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Peng, N. (2021). Approached to China: Myanmar’s China Policy (2016–2020). In: International Pressures, Strategic Preference, and Myanmar’s China Policy since 1988. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7816-8_6

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