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Occupied Norway 1940–1945: A Brief Background to Hostage

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Honest Errors? Combat Decision-Making 75 Years After the Hostage Case

Abstract

This chapter gives background and context to the events that provide the material for this anthology—the systematic devastation of Finnmark and parts of Troms and the concomitant forced evacuation of the civilian population from October 1944 to February 1945. Although Rendulic issued the 29 October 1944 order in his capacity as Commander of German forces in Northern Norway, he was not alone responsible for that fateful order. The chapter therefore includes but also goes beyond the 29 October order’s immediate military background. It discusses the dramatic developments in the 20th Mountain Army’s area of operation in Northern Norway, Finland, and the Soviet Union in the summer and autumn of 1944. The chapter starts with an outline of the occupation regime in Norway and the role of key decision-makers behind the events that led to Rendulic’s indictment at the US military tribunal. Afterwards follow some remarks on Norway’s—and Northern Norway’s in particular—role in the war, as well as a presentation of the political and military events that preceded the return of the 20th Mountain Army to Norway and Rendulic’s order of 29 October 1944. The chapter ends with a brief note on German and English-language literature about this fragment of Germany’s Second World War military history and Norwegian occupation experience, as well as references to selected Norwegian and Russian-language texts.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Emphasis in the original. The author’s translation from the German original in National Archives and Records Administration, Washington D.C. (hereafter NARA), PG65635/8, microfilm T312/1063, pp 340–342. Elements of the translation of the 29 October 1944 order are taken from the translation used in the Tribunal, available at The Harvard Law School Library’s Nuremberg Trials Project, NMT 7: The Hostage Case, Ferdinand Jodl’s testimony 22 August 1947, pp 2554–2557, https://nbg-02.lil.tools/transcripts/4-transcript-for-nmt-7-hostage-case [accessed 1 April 2023]:

    1. Because of the lack of willingness of the north Norwegian population to evacuate the country voluntarily the Fuehrer has ordered the compulsory evacuation of the population East of the Lyngenfjords [sic] in the interest of the security of the population, which is to be preserved from Bolshevism and that all houses be burned down or be destroyed. It is the responsibility of the Commander-in-Chief of Northern Finland that this order is carried out ruthlessly so that the Soviets supported by dwelling places and a population which knows the country will be prevented from following our withdrawal with strong forces. Pity with the civilian population is out of place.

    2. The men will understand the measures to be taken if it is explained that the barbarian methods of the air war against the German homeland and its cultural places have brought a misery on our people surpassing by far that which will follow in the wake of the measures which must be taken now in North Norway in order to prevent an early thrust by the Russians, according to plan.

    German original:

    Betr.: Evakuierung Nordnorwegen

    1.) Auf Grund der geringen Bereitwilligkeit der nordnorwegischen Bevölkerung zur freiwilligen Evakuierung hat der Führer die Zwangs-Evakuierung ostw. des Lyngenfjords im Interesse der Sicherheit der Bevölkerung, die vor dem Bolschewismus bewahrt werden soll, verfügt und befehlen, dass alle Wohnstätten niederzubrennen bzw. zu zerstören sind.

    Oberbefehlshaber Nordfinnland ist dafür verantwortlich, dass dieser Befehl rücksichtslos durchgeführt und damit vermieden wird, dass die Sowjets, gestützt auf Wohnstätten und ortskundige Bevölkerung, unseren Absetzbewegungen mit starken Kräften folgen.

    Mitleid mit der Zivilbevölkerung ist nicht am Platze.

    2.) Die Truppe wird die zu treffenden Massnahmen verstehen, wenn ihr klar gemacht wird, dass die barbarischen Methoden des Luftkrieges gegen die deutsche Heimat und ihre Kulturstätten ein Leid über unser Volk gebracht haben, das weit grössser ist[,] als es die Massnahmen mit sich bringen, die jetzt in Nordnorwegen getroffen werden müssen, um ein baldiges planmässiges Nachstossen durch den [sic] Russen zu verhindern.

  2. 2.

    Reproduced in Bones 2022, p 86.

  3. 3.

    An example from Hammerfest in ibid., p 170.

  4. 4.

    For a brief discussion, see Best 1994, pp 328–330. More in Bill 2012, pp 119–155. Also, see Chap. 5.

  5. 5.

    The expression is taken from the title of former SS General Paul Hausser’s 1966 book (Hausser 1966), a shamelessly apologetic work that was part of Hausser’s campaign to create an image of the Waffen-SS as a perfectly normal military organisation.

  6. 6.

    Nehlin 2017, p 145 and Frieser et al. 2007, pp 999–1000.

  7. 7.

    Frieser et al. 2007, p 999.

  8. 8.

    See Haarr 2010, 2011 for an updated and fundamental work on the German attack of 9 April 1940 and the campaign in Norway that followed. For brief introductions, see Mann 2012, pp 1–11, and Riste 2001, pp 138–153. See also relevant parts of Andenæs et al. 1996.

  9. 9.

    These issues are covered in Andenæs et al. 1996.

  10. 10.

    On the Allied planning (or non-planning) related to Norway, see Chap. 3.

  11. 11.

    Stipulations kindly supplied by Gunnar D. Hatlehol.

  12. 12.

    Rowe 2021, pp 56–57 and 172–173, n. 36.

  13. 13.

    Here translated as in ibid., p 37. An alternative translation could be “National Rally”.

  14. 14.

    Here we use the translation of “kommissarische Staatsräte” in Hetland et al. 2021, p 86.

  15. 15.

    About Quisling and his party, see Dahl 1999.

  16. 16.

    See Chap. 4 for the detailed story.

  17. 17.

    Weissung Nr. 21, or Barbarossabefehl of 18 December 1940, overtook and incorporated earlier staff studies of a war against the Soviet Union.

  18. 18.

    For details, see Ziemke 1959.

  19. 19.

    For an overview of the implications of this term, see for example Müller 2012, the chapter “Totaler Krieg und Vernichtungskrieg”. Hitler himself used similar expressions, as in his speech to Wehrmacht officers on 30 March 1941: “We must depart from the standpoint of soldierly comradeship. The Communist is not a comrade before and no Comrade afterwards. It is a matter of a battle of annihilation”. (Wir müssen von dem Standpunkt des soldatischen Kameradentums abrücken. Der Kommunist ist vorher kein Kamerad und nacher kein Kamerad. Es handelt sich um einen Vernichtungskampf). Here quoted after Streit 1997, p 34.

  20. 20.

    That is one of the two Tartu agreements of 1920, the other being the peace treaty between the Soviet government and Estonia.

  21. 21.

    See Meinander 2023 and Jonas 2012. For an updated and broad introduction to Finland during the Second World War, see Kinnunen and Kivimäki 2012.

  22. 22.

    Some German units were under Finnish command and vice versa.

  23. 23.

    Meaning Western Litsa—there is an Eastern Litsa River further to the east on the Kola Peninsula.

  24. 24.

    Ziemke 1959, p 302.

  25. 25.

    For additional information about both Finnish and German operations and organisational details, see Ziemke 1959.

  26. 26.

    Linna 1954 tells the story of a Finnish machine gun company in Southern Karelia from the optimism of the successful offensive in 1944 to the terrible losses during the retreat in the summer of 1944. The book’s characters are convincingly portrayed in Aku Louhimies’ movie and television series of 2017, the third film version of this Finnish post-war classic.

  27. 27.

    In Soviet terminology and Soviet and Russian historiography, Petsamo was in 1944 “returned” to the Soviet Union. This usage is based on the fact that the area was not part of the Grand Duchy of Finland in Czarist Russia before the revolutions of 1917 and the ensuring Finnish civil war of 1918 and intertwined war with Soviet Russia. Thus, when Petsamo and the corridor became part of Finland via the Tartu peace treaty of 1920, this was subsequently described in Soviet parlance as a “gift” to Finland from the Soviet Union. Interestingly, the Soviets did not demand the transfer of the area to the Soviet Union as part of the March 1940 peace treaty that ended the Winter War of 1939–40—a result of their limited interest in the military-strategic value of the area throughout the interwar years. See the introduction in Holtsmark and Petrov 2020.

  28. 28.

    See Chap. 3.

  29. 29.

    For an in-depth analysis of the planning process that culminated in the Karelian Front’s offensive against the German XIX Mountain Corps on 7 October 1944, including Meretskov’s repeated proposals for operations that contravened the 4–5 September 1944 ceasefire conditions, see Holtsmark 2021a, b.

  30. 30.

    About the change from Birke to Nordlicht, see Ziemke 1959, pp 300ff.

  31. 31.

    About Stavka, see Chap. 3, Sect. 3.2, n. 20.

  32. 32.

    See Holtsmark 2021b. As a result of the 19 September 1944 Soviet-Finnish ceasefire agreement, the area between Murmansk and the Norwegian border belonged to the Soviet Union.

  33. 33.

    Thanks to Rune Rautio who has calculated and provided us with these numbers based on his detailed study of Red Army archival sources.

  34. 34.

    See Chap. 3.

  35. 35.

    See Chaps. 3 and 4.

  36. 36.

    Ziemke 1959, pp 292–314. Earl F. Ziemke was a historian born in the United States. He had fought in the Pacific during the Second World War and received his PhD from the University of Wisconsin. He had been employed by the US Historical Division only in 1955 and had no links to former German Army Chief of Staff General Franz Halder or the former Wehrmacht establishment that strongly influenced the post-war writing of German campaign histories within the US Army Historical Division (today’s US Army Center for Military History). As part of this, Halder contributed to the creation of the myth of the “clean” Wehrmacht that was widespread in historical narratives until the 1990s.

  37. 37.

    Gebhardt 1989.

  38. 38.

    http://www.pamyat-naroda.ru/ [accessed 1 April 2023]. As the Putin regime continues to tighten its authoritarian grip on Russia, it remains to be seen whether this will continue to be the case.

  39. 39.

    Mentioned briefly in Nissen 1983, pp 306–309 and Andenæs et al. 1996, pp 115–116.

  40. 40.

    Lund 1947. See also Knudsen 1995.

  41. 41.

    Hunt 1947. The book is less reliable when it comes to details of the political and military background.

  42. 42.

    Meretskov 1968, Shcherbakov 1994.

  43. 43.

    For references to Soviet and Russian sources and literature, see Holtsmark 2021a, b.

  44. 44.

    Rendulic 1952, 1953.

  45. 45.

    Hölter 1977.

  46. 46.

    Erfurth 1977. The book contains numerous factual mistakes, among them the surprising statement that Soviet forces did not cross the Norwegian border (pp 311–312, 323).

  47. 47.

    See Chap. 3.

  48. 48.

    Kaltenegger 2003.

  49. 49.

    Thorban 1989.

  50. 50.

    Frieser et al. 2007, pp 998–1000.

  51. 51.

    Ibid., pp 1001–1003.

  52. 52.

    Bohn 1995. At the end of Bohn’s text are some plainly wrong statements about Soviet annexationist ambitions in Norway.

  53. 53.

    Lang 1995.

  54. 54.

    Lang 1995, p 29: “Die unterschiedlichen Motivlagen aller genannten Beteiligten—deutsche zivile (Reichskommissar Terboven) und deutsche militärische Seite […] sowie die norwegische ‘nationale Regierung’—trafen sich in einem Punkt: dem Wunsch, die befürchteten Ereignisse durch geiegnete militärische Massnahmen abzuwenden, die verhinderte, dass die sowjetischen Kräfte auf das nordnorwegische Gebiet nachfolgten”.

  55. 55.

    See Chap. 3.

  56. 56.

    See Chap. 4.

  57. 57.

    See Chap. 5.

  58. 58.

    Bones 2022.

  59. 59.

    Elstad 2020.

  60. 60.

    Hellesnes 1949, 1950.

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Holtsmark, S.G., Åselius, G. (2024). Occupied Norway 1940–1945: A Brief Background to Hostage. In: Hayashi, N., Lingaas, C. (eds) Honest Errors? Combat Decision-Making 75 Years After the Hostage Case. T.M.C. Asser Press, The Hague. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-611-6_2

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