Abstract
Although philosophic thought in the two first centuries of the era of the Roman emperors remained confined to the old classic systems, it developed within these limits fairly freely and with a full understanding of the spiritual needs of the time. The philosopher of that time, even if he was by conviction an adherent of one of these schools, did not wish merely to repeat its current doctrines that he found and accepted there, but he studied also other systems and freely selected from them certain elements to frame his own philosophy. Syncretism — the word expresses this union and conciliation of various philosophic and religious schools — was the main external feature of the spiritual life of that time. Internally, this life was marked by an increasing inclination towards religion. It was, however, not a revival of the religion of the Greek Olympic gods, nor of the Roman gods who had been assimilated to them. Religious yearning, stirred by historical upheavals, dissatisfied with the prevailing state cults and influenced by new gods and new forms of worship after the unification of the ancient world with the Roman Empire, abolished the boundaries of national religions and attached itself with inquisitive trust to notable alien cults, especially to those giving man certainty or at least hope of a life after death. Greeks and Romans became adherents of the Persian cult of Mithra and also of the Egyptian Isis, they were initiated into newly flourishing domestic and foreign mysteries, they became interested in Orphic and Sihyline oracles, indulged in spiritism and ascetism.
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References
Cf. Photius cod. 249.
Galen, On the dogmas of Hippocrates and Plato, p. 401, 11 and 459,2 Müller.
I explained the relation of Plato’s 12th epistle to Archytas’ apocryphal letter in my book Platonis Epistulae commentariis illustratae, p. 280 seq.
Porphyry, The Life of Pythagoras 48 seq.
Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies (Στρωματεϊς) I, 22, 150; Eusebius, Preparatio evangelica 11, 10, 14.
Fragments of Numenius’ writings are collected in the substantial monograph on this philosopher, written by E. A. Leemanns, Studie over den wijsgeer Numenios van Apamea met Uitgave der Fragmenten (Bruxelles 1937).
Ueberweg-Praechter, Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie I, 11th ed. (1920), p. 585.
Cf. the commentary to Plato’s 6th epistle in my book Platonis Epistulae commentariis illustratae, p. 136–140.
H. Markowski in the article Doradcy filozoficzni Augusta (Przegląd klasyczny 1937, p. 557) claims that Arius in his talks with Augustus not only introduced this Emperor to Plato’s doctrines, but that he also endeavoured to instil into his ward reverence and love for Plato, as well as for the Stoic philosophy. But this is nothing more than a mere surmise.
Seneca, Epistulae 65, 7: “Haec exemplaria rerum omnium deus intra se habet numerosque universorum, quae agenda sunt, et modos mente complexus est: plenus his figuris est, quas Plato ίδέας appellat, immortales, immutabiles, infatigabiles”. The expression numeros et modos have here probably the menaning of “musical rythms and tunes” which is a metaphor for the notion of “order”. Epistulae 26, 10; 65, 16; 70, 19; 88, 34; Ad Helviam 11, 7: “corpusculum hoc, custodia et vinculus animi”.
Ad Marciam 25, 1 seq.; Ad Polybium 9, 8; Ad Helviam 11, 7; cf. M. Okal, Filozof Seneca a Pavol apostol (= The philosopher Seneca and the Apostle Paul), (Bratislava 1943, especially p. 69 seq.).
Seneca, Epistulae 58, 26 seq.
Joannes Stobaeus, Anthologion II, p. 285 Hense.
Epictetus’ Manual of Moral Instructions, translated into Czech by František Drtina (Prague, 2nd ed. 1928).
Arnand Jagu describes this influence in detail in the already mentioned monograph Åpictète et Platon (Paris 1946).
It is necessary to distinguish from this Boethus the lexicographer Boethus (cf. A.) (Gercke in Pauly-Wissow Real-Enz. III, col. 603).
Paul Kraus and Richard Walzer published and furnished with a Latin translation Hunain’s Arabic translation entitled Galeni Compendium Timaei Platonis in Corpus Platonicum Medii Aevi (London 1951). Some passages of Galen’s compendium on the Timaeus are discussed by A. J. Festugière in the Revue des Åtudes Grecques 65 (1952, 97–116).
In modem times the fragments of Galen’s commentary on Plato’s Timaeus were known for a long time only in Gedaldin’s Latin translation, published in Venice in 1550. The Greek text was found and published with a French translation by Ch. Daremberg, Fragments du Commentaire de Galien sur le Timée de Platon (Paris 1848). It was republished and commented by H. Schröder, Galeni in Platonis Timaeum Commentarii Jragmenta (Lipsiae 1934).
Philostratus, Lives of the Sophists I, 7.
V. E. Valdenberg, Politicheskaya filosofiya Diona Chrisostoma (Izvestiya Akademii Nauk SSSR 1926), p. 943 seq., 1284 seq.
Cf. p. 255 seq.
Stefan Weinstock, Die platonische Homerkritik und ihre Nachwirkungen (diss. Breslau 1926). I would not dare, however, to ascribe this solution to this special treatise.
W. H. Tackaberry’s monograph Lucian’s Relation to Plato and the Post-Aristotelian Philosophers (Toronto 1930) and John Jay Chapman, Plato and Lucian (Boston-New York 1931) were not accessible to me.
Cf. testimonies p. 249 seq.
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© 1977 František Novotný — Ludvík Svoboda
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Novotný, F. (1977). Across the Boundaries of the Schools. In: Svoboda, L., Barton, J.L. (eds) The Posthumous Life of Plato. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-9704-2_8
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