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Catherine of Siena

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A History of Women Philosophers

Part of the book series: A History of Women Philosophers ((HOWP,volume 2))

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Abstract

Caterina da Siena or Caterina Benincasa was born in 13471 or at an earlier date in the Fonta Branda quarter in Siena and died April 29, 1380, in Rome. She was the daughter of the dyer Jacopomo Benincasa and his wife Lapa. Catherine is considered the greatest Italian mystic of the 14th century. She took a great part in the political and church affairs of her time. Her many letters to prominent laity and clergy evidence her influence.2 Her letters are the best source of information about her life and personality, but little is known of her childhood. The so called Miracoli 3 dating from 1374 tell us something about her life, but not too much. Many documents containing stories of her life appeared following her death in 1380. Raimondo da Capua, a Dominican priest and Catherine’s spiritual advisor from 1374 until her death started writing the Legenda Major, the Vita Caterinae Senesis, shortly after Catherine’s death. He finished this work in 1395. Tomasso della Fonte and Bartolomeo Dominici of San Domenico in Camporeggi, Siena, composed a treatise about Catherine, some fragments of which are found in the so-called Supplementum (Supplement of the Life of St. Catherine) by Father Tomasso Caffarini4 who was instrumental in her canonization three decades after her death.5 The works written about Catherine during that period should be consulted cautiosly, for most were written to support the move for canonization.

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Notes

  1. Robert Fawtier thinks that Catherine was born before 1347. The year 1347 should be imputed to the tendencies of hagiography to make a person more like Christ. If 1347 was the correct date of Catherine’s birth year, she would have been 33 years old when she died. Fawtier finds an external argument in the fact that Catherine already was a nun before 1365 and probably already in 1352. See R. Fawtier in La double experience de Catherine Benincase, Paris 1948, p. 50. I think Fawtier is right.

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  2. Catherine’s letters are transmitted to us in manuscripts of the 15th century, except for 4 letters, of which the original manuscripts are in different libraries in Siena. Le Lettere are edited by Gigli in Band II and III of the Opere della Serafica S. Caterina da Siena, in Siena in 1713 and in Lucca in 1721. Tomasso edited the letters again in 1860 (Firenze). This edition was followed by the edition of Misciatelli in the 20th century and by that of Eugenio Dupre Theseider, Rome, 1940–1948.

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  3. A biography composed by an anonymous Florentine author between May and October 1374 was discovered and edited by F. Grottanelli in 1862. The story is generally called Miracoli.

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  4. Libellus de Supplemento legendae beatae Catharinae Senesis (written in the period 1402–1407). This work was not printed until 1974. Then I. Cavallini and J. Foralosso edited the Latin text (Rome 1974).

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  5. The canonization was brought before court in Venice in 1411. The deliberation of the members of the court lasted until the year 1416. It is remarkable that some of Catherine’s intimate friends, including Caterina della Spedaluccio, Caterina Ghetti and Bartolomeo Montucci, refused to testify.

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  6. Raimondo wrote in Latin. The text of the Legenda beatae Catherinae Senesis is to be found in the Acta Sanctorum, aprilis, A. III, pp. 862–967; 1385–1395; The text was printed for the first time in 1553 in Cologne, Germany. The writing is usually called Legenda Major.

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  7. Miracoli XI The Legenda Major I, ch. 2, par. 29 8,-31, mentions Stefano as the name of her brother. Catherine sees Christ as the pope according to the Legenda Major. In contrast, she sees Him simply as a bishop, in the Miracoli.

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  8. Knowledge of oneself is the beginning of the knowledge of God according to Catherine, cf. her lettera Misc. 97 to Monna Paola.

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  9. The lettera to Monna Agnese, the widow of Sir Orso de’ Malavolti (lettera Misc. 183) elucidates that Catherine went to the convent of St. Agnes in Montepulciano in the period 1362–1364. According to Raimondo da Capua, Catherine was called by God in a vision to start leading a more active life (Leg. Maj. II, ch. 1, par. 118).

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  10. We think of Tomasso della Fonte, Catherine’s first confessor, Raimondo da Capua, Caterina Ghetti, Bartolomeo Dominici, Giovanni Colombini, Matteo de Cenni di Fazio and many others.

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  11. Miracoli: The 18th century chronicle of Santa Maria Novella by Borghiniani. This chronicle is based on much older documents, still available in the libraries of the cities of Siena, Pisa and Firenze. See Eleonore Freiin von Seckendorff in Die Kirchenpolitische Taetigkeit der heiligen Katharina von Siena unter Papst Gregor XI, Berlin 1917, p. 18.

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  12. It seems that Catherine had annoyed people by going into raptures every day after she had received Holy Communion. Tomasso della Fonte forbade her the daily receiving of Holy Communion for some time.

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  13. Legenda Major II, 7, par. 251.

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  14. See Margarita Albany Mignaty in Caterina da Siena e la parta che ebbe negli avvenimenti d’ltalia nel secolo XIV, Firenze 1844: p. 51. See Eleonore Freiin von Seckendorff “Die Kirchenpolitische Taetigkeit der heiligen Katharina von Siena unter Papst Gregor XI,” Berlin 1917, p. 158.

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  15. See for instance the letter to cardinal Pietro d’Ostia (d’Estaing) (Misciatelli VII); and the letter to Gérard du Puy, who was general vicar of the Pope in the city of Perugia and later became governor of the city (Misciatelli, 109). The letter contains a prologue on the subject of charity. Catherine did not hestitate to criticize the Pope in the same letter. She blames him for nepotism and weakness of character.

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  16. Leg. Maj. II, ch. 12, par. 257 (p. 926).

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  17. See Lettera 239 in the edition of Misciatelli.

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  18. See Lettera 97 in the edition of Misciatelli.

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  19. See Eleonore Freiin von Seckendorff, op. cit., p. 63.

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  20. Letter to the Florentine woman Domitilla, in the collection Lettere di Santi e Beati Fiorentini, E. Freiin von Seckendorff, op. cit., p. 63, note 10.

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  21. See Legenda Major II, ch. 15, par. 289 (p. 934).

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  22. Lettera CC XIIV (Gigli); Lettera 232 (Misciatelli). The letter was addressed to Sano di Maco living in Siena.

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  23. Stefano Maconi had accompanied Catherine on an earlier voyage to Firenze. See Fawtier, op. cit.

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  24. See Augusta Theodosia Drane, The History of St. Catherine of Siena and her Companions, London 1880 (3. 1980), p. 303.

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  25. Fra Felice da Massa belonged to the family of the Tancredi. See Eleonore Freiin von Seckendorff, op. cit., p. 102, note 3.

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  26. See Lettera del Beato Stefano Maconi, addressed to Caffarini on October 26, 1411 (edited by Gigli as an addition to the Legenda). See also Eleonore Freiin von Seckendorff, op. cit., p. 103.

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  27. See Lettera 237 in the edition of Misciatelli.

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  28. See Lettera 191 in the edition of Misciatelli.

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  29. See Lettera 209 in the edition of Misciatelli and Lettera 206 in the edition of Misciatelli; Eleonore Freiin von Seckendorff, op. cit., p. 133.

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  30. See Eleonore Freiin von Seckendorff, op. cit., p. 149.

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  31. See Eleonore Freiin von Seckendorff, op. cit., p. 150 sq.

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  32. Cronica Fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani, ed. Rodolico Ra 773 (R.R. IT. S. S. ed. Carducci t. XXX, p. 306). See Fawtier, op. cit., p 168.

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  33. She probably was staying in the house of Pipino. See Eleonore Freiin von Seckendorff, op. cit., p. 154.

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  34. Lettera a Sano di Maco e agli altri figliuoli in Siena (Misciatelli 303), written in Firenze. Lettera a Monna Alessa (Misciatelli Lettera 277).

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  35. See Lettera 344 (ed. Misciatelli).

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  36. See Fawtier, op. cit., part I, p. 91, n. 7.

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  37. Lettera Misciatelli 373 (A Maestro Raimondo da Capua dell’ Ordine dei Predicatori).

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  38. See Lettera Misciatelli 284; Lettera Misciatelli 224; Lettera Misciatelli 185.

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  39. Lettera 53 edition of Dupré Theseider to the Anziani of Lucca (Gigli 206; Misciatelli 168).

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  40. See for instance Lettera 37 (Misciatelli) to Nicolò di Ghida, and Fawtier, op. cit., p. 248 sq. M. Pourrat, La Spiritualité chrétienne II, 314 sq., is of a different opinion.

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  41. Catherine is in accordance with Thomas à Kempis and Juan de la Cruz in this respect. See Fawtier, op. cit., p. 290.

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  42. Orazioni, passim.

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  43. Però che Io vi creai senza voi, ma non vi salvaro senza voi, ( = 1 created you without you, but I shall not save you without you), Dialogo 23 (edition of Fiorilli, p. 45; edition of Cavallini p. 51): Qui mostrava, la Verita etterna, che egli ci aveva creati senza noi, ma non ci salvara senza noi. (Here Eternal Truth made clear that He has created us without us, but that He will not save us without us); Dialogo 119 (Fiorilli p. 245); Dialogo 134 (Fiorilli p. 300); Dialogo 155 (Fiorilli p. 367); Orazione VIII (ed. Cavallini p. 84) and XXII, (ed. Cavallini p. 248).

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  44. See Thomas in De praedestinatione I, 23,5. (Fawtier, op. cit., p. 293 sq). Sed qua re Deus hos elegit in gloriam et illos reprobavit, non habet rationem nisi divinam voluntatem. (= Why God has chosen some to glory, others to be damned, has no other reason than the will of God).

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  45. See Sermo 169, par. 11 (Migne, Patrologia Latina 38).

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  46. See also our commentary on “the Bridge,” part III, 2 (d).

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  47. Lettera 168 (Misciatelli) to the Anziani di Luca, written in the winter of 1376. See Dupré Theseider Epistolario di Santa Caterina da Siena, p. 207 s.q. Ep. XXXXI to the Queen of Naples (Gigli 13/14, Misciatelli 138): il amore proprio impedisce giustitia. (Self love prevents justice). Lettera (Misciatelli) 76 to Frate Giovanni di Bindo di Doceio de’ Frati di Monte Oliveto.

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  48. Lettera (Misciatelli) 70; Lettera (Misciatelli) 97 to Monna Paolo; Lettera III (Theseider) (Gigli 105; Misciatelli 41).

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  49. Soliloquia (Soliloquiorum Animae ad Deum Liber Unus) I (Migne, Patrologia Latina XL, 863–866). The idea is not altogether contrary to that of Augustine himself. (The just mentioned writing is not to be confused with Augustine’s early writing Soliloquia).

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  50. Lettera III (Theseider), (Misciatelli) 41.

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  51. Lettera 52 to master Bartolomeo (ed. Dupré Theseider).

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  52. Solo il segno rimasse del peccato originale. (Dial. 148, Fiorilli p. 36) (Only the sign of baptism liberates man from original sin).

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  53. Subbito che l’anima ha ricevuto il santo battesimo l’ è tolto il peccato originale e le è infusa la grazia. (As soon as the soul has received holy baptism, original sin is taken away from the soul and grace is infused into it). Dial. ch. 14.

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  54. Dial. 127 (Fiorilli p. 267). The idea of the salvation of all mankind is alien to St. Augustine. It is found in Origen and in Gregory of Nyssa.

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  55. Lettera (Misciatelli) 11; Lettera (Misciatelli) 242. See also Fawtier, op. cit., p. 297, note 6.

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  56. Orazione V, written on the day of St. Thomas, 1378 in Rome. See G. Cavallini’s textedition of the Orazioni, p. 58.

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  57. Lettera (Misciatelli 271) to Monna Alessa.

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  58. See for instance her letter to the Englishman William Flete (Misciatelli Lettera 64).

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  59. Prior to 1375, Catherine had been an ascetic who wanted to torture the flesh. Then she recognized what the will of God really was. (Dial. ch. 11 and 104, and the Lettere were written after 1375).

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  60. Catherine calls Christ’s blood eternal (Or. 9, 42), because it is united to the eternal and divine nature of the Word.

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  61. See also Dial. 53; 118.

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  62. See Dial. 26–27.

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  63. This is an Augustinian concept. See De Trinitate.

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  64. The conformity of the soul with God does not exclude human individuality. Or. 4 explicitly speaks of human spiritual individuality.

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  65. Suzanne Noffke in Catherine of Siena, The Dialogue, London/New York 1980, refers to Catherine’s Lettera to Pope Urbanus (Misc. 371) in this context. In this letter to Pope Urbanus Catherine tells how the union with God nearly broke her body.

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  66. Rom. 8,26.

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  67. See Georges Duby in Le Temps des Cathédrales, Paris (Gallimard) 1976.

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  68. See Georges Duby, op. cit., p. 285, Duby points to Leonardo Bruni, secretary of the Florentine government, in this context.

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  69. It was probably finished in the spring of 1378 before Catherine left for Rome. See G. Cavallini, S. Caterina da Siena, II Dialogo, (Edizioni Cateriniane, Roma 1968); Suzanne Noffke, Catherine of Siena, The Dialogue, London/New York 1980, (Introduction).

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  70. Girolamo Gigli, Il Dialogo, in Opere Cateriniane, IV, Lucca 1726.

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  71. M. Fiorilli, Il Dialogo, in Scrittori d’Italia, Bari 1912.

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  72. Giuliana Cavallini, S. Caterina da Siena, Il Dialogo della Divina Provvidenza, Edizioni Cateriniane. Roma 1980. (1. Roma 1968).

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  73. In her Introduction to Il Dialogo Cavallini gives a survey of all previous text editions.

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  74. Suzanna Noffke, Catherine of Siena, the Dialogue, London/New York, 1980. See also note 68.

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  75. See P. Delfgaauw in La Doctrine de la perfection selon St. Bernard, in Collections Cisterciennes 40, 1978, 115e-118. (Collectanea Cisterciensia, ed. Forges, Abbaye Cistercienze de Scourmont, 1965 sq.)

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  76. Summa Theologiae II, II, q. 188, a7, ad resp. e ad1. Tanta erit unaquaeque religio secundum paupertatem perfectior, quanto habet paupertatem proportionatam proprio fini. (To Thomas poverty and the other counsels have to serve the goal of man’s salvation).

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  77. The Franciscan order demanded absolute poverty, chastity and obedience. See Rule II (Regula II, bullata of 1223). St. Francis thought this the way of living in accordance with Christ’s claims in the gospel. (See Testamentum 14).

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  78. In her figurative language Catherine describes a bridge, comparable to the famous (and today still standing) “ponte vecchio” in Florence. For instance in ch. 27, she says that the bridge has walls of stones, so that handlers will not be hindered by rain.

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  79. Catherine often speaks of “Gentle first Truth,” meaning Christ. St. Augustine also spoke of Truth (Veritas), referring to the divine Logos, in many of his writings.

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  80. See above for a more detailed description of the stairs.

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  81. See for instance Confessiones X, ch. 43.

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  82. See Sermo 152,9 (Patrologiae Latinae cursus 38, 824).

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  83. See also Orazione VI.

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  84. See Noffke. op. cit., p. 206; see also G. Cavallini, op. cit., p. 264. N.B. The comparison of Christ to a sun apparently is of Augustinian origin. The same holds for the image of Christ as heavenly physician in Or. VI, which picture appears in Augustine’s Sermones. See J. Eykenboom, Het Christus medicus motiefin de preken van S. Augustinus, Assen 1960. Catherine’s speaking of the ineffability of God also reminds us of Augustine in In Evangelium Johanni, 1,5.

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  85. See De civitate Dei XII, 26; De anima et eius origine, ch. 12, 19.

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  86. De praedestinatione sanctorum, ch. 17 Sermo 177.

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  87. De Trinitate XII, 10,24.

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  88. See for instance De Trinitate XII, 2,2.

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  89. De diversis quaestionibus 83, no. 46.

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  90. The concept that the soul must return to God for its own good and happiness is found in all the writings of Augustine, for instance in De vita beata, where it underlies the entire argument.

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  91. See Augustine in the “Cassiacum Dialogues,” passim; for instance Contra Academicos III, and in De Magistro, passim; De Trinitate, passim.

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  92. This concept compares with Augustine’s doctrine of conversion in his Confessiones (passim).

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  93. Thomas Aquinas, Sermo, in Opusc. 57. G. Cavallini, Santa Caterina da Siena, il Dialogo, Rome 1980, p. 264.

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  94. De perfectione vitae spiritualis, ch. 12.

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  95. For the history of the manuscripts, see G. Cavallini in the Introduction of her text edition of Le Orazioni, Roma 1978.

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  96. Catherine’s language influenced the literary Italian of later centuries.

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  97. See G. Cavallini in the introduction of Le Orazioni, Roma 1978, p. XII. Cavallini mentions Il Processo Castellano a cura di MM. Laurent (F.V.S.C.S.H.IX) as her source.

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  98. Memory (memoria) refers to God the Father, intelligence to the Son and will to the Holy Spirit. The influence of St. Augustine (De Trinitate passim) is very clear. Like the Augustinian “memoria,” memory implies consciousness. (See also note 63).

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Authors
  1. Cornelia Wolfskeel
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  1. University of Minnesota, USA

    Mary Ellen Waithe

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© 1989 Kluwer Academic Publishers

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Wolfskeel, C. (1989). Catherine of Siena. In: Waithe, M.E. (eds) A History of Women Philosophers. A History of Women Philosophers, vol 2. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-2551-9_10

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-2551-9_10

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