Abstract
The collapse of the New Kingdom marks one of the most profound changes in the five millennia of Egyptian history. In the past, the end of the Egyptian New Kingdom was often explained either by endogenous or exogenous factors, the latter being connected to the processes at the end of the Late Bronze Age which affected the entire Eastern Mediterranean.
This article reviews the evidence from the Egyptian 19th and 20th Dynasties and a complex scenario is proposed: many factors contributed, and each would not have caused the end of the Egyptian political system of the New Kingdom alone. Decisive was the contemporaneity of a wide range of events and failures within the system. Endogenous factors such as dynastic coincidence and internal economic problems met with the breakdown of the international trade system and attacks by foreign enemies such as the Sea Peoples and the Libyans. Due to missing evidence and biased sources, both textual and archaeological, the causalities underlying some processes cannot be ascertained though. Egyptian texts almost never mention defeat while no written sources exist on the side of the victors. Furthermore, the final collapse has to remain in the dark as no direct evidence exists which could shed light on the decisive events taking place in the final years of the New Kingdom.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
Kubisch and Rummel (2018: 1). This innovativeness includes diplomacy, architecture, as well as religion.
- 5.
See van de Mieroop (2010: 250). For an overview of some older currents of research regarding the end of the Late Bronze Age, when the continuities were stressed.
- 6.
See also Morris (2018) who ends her book on ancient Egyptian Imperialism with the end of the New Kingdom.
- 7.
- 8.
During most following periods until today, Egypt was either part of empires ruled from outside Egypt or ruled by foreign royal houses. Only since 1952 AD has an independent Egypt been ruled again by Egyptians.
- 9.
For an overview of the period, see van de Mieroop (2010).
- 10.
See for instance Roth (2006) for the diplomatic system into which Egypt was included.
- 11.
For the application of the term “globalism” to the Late Bronze Age, see Bernbeck (2015).
- 12.
The title of Eric Cline’s influential book, describing this period, is “1177 B.C.—The Year Civilization Collapsed”. Cline (2014).
- 13.
On the archaeological evidence, integrating uninscribed material culture, see Sect. 2.2.
- 14.
Assmann (1999: 311) sees endogenous processes at work: “Dieses Ende ist vollkommen eindeutig die Konsequenz innerer Auflösungsprozesse…”; In contrast Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 147) highlights the exogenous factors as decisive: “Die Krisensymptome, die wir im Ägypten der späteren Ramessidenzeit beobachten können, sind nicht zuletzt, vermutlich sogar in erster Linie, durch Angriffe und Übergriffe äußerer Feinde bedingt; die inneren Schwierigkeiten sind vor allem die Folge äußerer Störungen, also sekundär.” Even though these quotes are short and get relativized especially in the case of Assmann, they represent the general discussion.
- 15.
Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 127) states: “In der ägyptischen Geschichte können Dreißigjährige Kriege und mehr in den Lücken unserer Belege verschwinden,…”.
- 16.
This has been suggested for the battles against the Sea Peoples, the texts and depictions of which are taken as one of the central pieces of evidence for the end of the Late Bronze Age not only in Egypt but in the whole Eastern Mediterranean; See Knapp and Manning (2016: 118) with references to further reading.
- 17.
On the topic within the field of Egyptology, see Gee (2010).
- 18.
Burkard and Thissen (2003: 1).
- 19.
See Jansen-Winkeln (2015: 37).
- 20.
The wet conditions of the Delta renders ink on pottery sherds almost invisible. During the work in Qantir-Pi-Ramesse since 1980 only 15 ostraca were identified out of an amount of about 1 million ceramic sherds. None of them was preserved well enough to allow a comprehensive reading. The dockets found by Hamza in 1928 (Hamza 1930: 43) came most probably from higher and thus dryer, levels, destroyed today.
- 21.
Monuments made of granite or granite were reused, especially in the buildings of the Third Intermediate Period in Tanis and Bubastis. Uphill (1984); Gilli (2016); limestone in contrast was often burnt at later times for producing lime for a lime burning kiln. Pusch and Becker (2017: 97). As most large-scale representations and long texts can be expected to be made from limestone, the lack of monuments comes as no surprise.
- 22.
Baines and Eyre (1983: 65–72). Their highest estimate is a literacy rate of approximately 1%.
- 23.
For a recent overview including an extensive bibliography see Toivari-Viitala (2011).
- 24.
Papyrus Abbott, Papyrus Leopold II-Amherst, and Papyrus Mayer B. For a translation, see Peden (1994: 225–264).
- 25.
For the depictions see The Epigraphic Survey (1932).
- 26.
See Cordani (2017) with references to the extensive older literature.
- 27.
For an introduction, with an extensive bibliography see Mynárová (2010).
- 28.
Their presumed Egyptian counterpart, the archives in Pi-Ramesse, has not yet been found. Only one fragment of a cuneiform tablet was found out of context in 2003. For the latest translation with a bibliography, see Cordani (2017:152–154).
- 29.
See Knapp and Manning (2016: 118). This of course also relates to the question of missing evidence as described above, potentially leading to the overestimation of events known from the surviving texts.
- 30.
Popko (2014: 1).
- 31.
Popko (2014: 4).
- 32.
Popko (2014: 10).
- 33.
Von der Way (1992: 31) (footnote 199).
- 34.
This approach is being chosen by many relevant authors in the few last years. Redford (2018: 111), writes on the reliefs of Medinet Habu: “It is foolish to maintain that figures arise out of nothing, but one should be careful in assuming an exact correspondence to reality”.
- 35.
Works of the potential usurper Amenmesse of the later 19th Dynasty were subject to such procedures, whose names were often replaced by those of Seti II. This causes uncertainty for pieces of evidence such as statues. See Dodson (2016a: 47–67).
- 36.
Translations, comments, and bibliographies are to be found in Peden (1994: 195–280).
- 37.
The most obvious example is probably the Turin Judicial Papyrus, Peden (1994: 195–210), giving an account of a plot against Ramesses III, ending in death sentences for many involved. The essential information whether the king was killed during the conspiracy or not, is missing. It can be assumed that everybody involved knew what had happened and it is not the purpose of the text to narrate the events.
- 38.
Cooney (2018: 64).
- 39.
- 40.
Smith (2010: 159).
- 41.
See Knapp and Manning (2016: 117).
- 42.
Smith (2010: 186).
- 43.
Smith (2010: 163).
- 44.
See above, Sect. 2.1.
- 45.
For the latest overview see Franzmeier and Pusch (2016). A current project targets the development of pottery in the 20th/21st dynasty to shed more light on changes in trading networks.
- 46.
Cooney (2018). See also below section “Interruption of International Networks”.
- 47.
For the death of Ramesses III, see Hawass et al. (2012).
- 48.
The Egyptian rule over the Levant ends with Ramesses VI. Finkelstein et al. (2017a: 261); Nubia is lost at the very end of the 20th Dynasty, with some of the colonial settlements continuing beyond the end of the New Kingdom thanks to an entanglement with the local population, creating communities that “although they may have retained some ties to Egypt, Nubia was their home”. Smith and Buzon (2018: 223); The contraction also includes activities in the Sinai and the desert regions adjacent to the Nile Valley where (semi-) precious stones and hard stones are being quarried; no evidence points to activities in the Sinai after the reign of Ramesses VI. Hikade (1996: 18–20); the Eastern Desert in Upper Egypt sees activities until the reign of Ramesses IX. Hikade (1996: 59).
- 49.
I owe this term to Jürgen Paul who used it during the conference to describe the processes at the end of the Mongol Empire.
- 50.
- 51.
A viceroy of Kush, named Panehesy, takes over power in the South and is driven into Nubia. Van Dijk (2002: 302).
- 52.
Jansen-Winkeln (2015: 36).
- 53.
See the ground-breaking article by Jansen-Winkeln (1994).
- 54.
- 55.
Jansen-Winkeln (2012: 622).
- 56.
See Jansen-Winkeln (1995: 77–78) for this process, including a further bibliography.
- 57.
Assmann (1999: 323).
- 58.
Jansen-Winkeln (2016). The Libyan element of these changes is a subject of ongoing debate and often difficult to assess as not much is known about Libyan culture.
- 59.
On the general development of the burial customs during the Third Intermediate Period, see Aston (2009: 397–400).
- 60.
Hope and Warfe (2017).
- 61.
- 62.
Vernus (1993: 192–193).
- 63.
- 64.
Franzmeier and Moje (2018).
- 65.
The plundering might have started with private ventures. See the magisterial work by Jansen-Winkeln (1995); For a different view, see Graefe (1999: 27–34); In addition to precious materials, wooden objects; including coffins and sarcophagi, were reused. Jansen-Winkeln (1995: 72). Psusennes I was buried at Tanis in a sarcophagus made for Merenptah, while Horsiese I., a local ruler in 22nd Dynasty Thebes, was buried in the lower part of the sarcophagus of Ramesses II’s queen Henutmire Ramesses. Dodson (2012: 67); Moje (2014: 407).
- 66.
Strudwick (2013).
- 67.
- 68.
O’Connor (1983: 228 with Fig. 3.10).
- 69.
See section “Interruption of International Networks”.
- 70.
There is a small amount of locally made pottery at the Ramesside fortress of Zawiyet Umm el-Rakham which is not entirely Egyptian (Nielsen 2016). But this does not allow an assessment of any Libyan influence on the development of pottery in Egypt in the period. It might be supposed that pottery was not useful for a non-sedentary desert-lifestyle as is assumed for the Libyan population in their homeland.
- 71.
- 72.
Butzer’s (1984: 109–110) arguments are very problematic as they are not based on scientific data but are merely an interpretation of textual sources such as the evidence for an inflation regarding the prices of cereals, where we do not securely know whether this is a result of bad harvests due to low Nile floods or endogenous problems in the administration. Thus, a circular argument is the result.
- 73.
Antoine (2009: 7), with further literature.
- 74.
- 75.
Finkelstein et al. (2017b: 256).
- 76.
Knapp and Manning (2016: 112–113).
- 77.
The Libyans are basically known only from the Egyptian sources. Thus, the Libyan identity as visible to us, is constructed by the Egyptians and does not necessarily reflect the Libyans own view and might also combine much more than one ethnic group. Furthermore, the Libyans of the 3rd millennium might be totally different from the ones of the late 2nd millennium.
- 78.
The earliest mentions of Tjehenu-Libyans are dated to the beginning of Egyptian history. See for instance Brovarski (2016).
- 79.
Except for one doubtful event during the reign of Amenhotep I. Kitchen (1990: 15).
- 80.
We do not know whether this indicates a migration of peoples as no other sources describe the inhabitants of the period in that region and no remains of material culture can be attributed to such groups. Kitchen (1990:16).
- 81.
- 82.
Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 139).
- 83.
- 84.
Jansen-Winkeln (2015: 38).
- 85.
Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 130–131) (Jansen-Winkeln (2015) does not employ the term anymore). Barbarization as a term is used for the description of processes in the Late Roman Empire of the fourth to the sixth centuries AD. Börm (2013: 160–162); where foreigners, serving in the Roman military, in the end took over parts of the former Western part of the Empire as kings. Not only Libyans were employed in the Egyptian army but also Sea-Peoples (mainly Sherden) and Nubians. These groups will not be discussed in detail here as they were not that relevant for the development of Egypt. For the Sherden see, Cavillier (2005: 55–65); And for the Nubians Gnirs (1996: 197–198).
- 86.
- 87.
Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 145).
- 88.
Börm (2013: 165).
- 89.
See sections “The Protagonists: Dynastic Coincidence and Problems in Succession” and “Economic Problems and Cultural Change”.
- 90.
Snape (2012: 437).
- 91.
Jansen-Winkeln (2015: 38).
- 92.
Cline (2014). Eric Clines book takes its title from the year of the battle between the troops of Ramesses III and the Sea Peoples.
- 93.
The Sherden already appear in texts from the Amarna Period in the fourteenth century BC. See Cavillier (2005: 5).
- 94.
Cline (2014: 157).
- 95.
Cavillier (2005: 30–33).
- 96.
Cline (2014: 158), referring to works by Finkelstein who thinks that in the Levant the arrival of Sea Peoples was a longer process, lasting until the reign of Ramesses VI, when the Egyptian rule over the Levant ended.
- 97.
The campaign of Ramesses III in the northern Levant in his 11th/12th year might have been an initial attempt to fill the vacuum. It had no long-lasting effect with Libyan attacks on Upper Egypt and the Philistines moving into the southern Levant in the later reign of Ramesses III. See Kahn (2018: 184).
- 98.
- 99.
Cooney (2018: 66). “The 20th Dynasty demanded an overthrow of old patrons once their payrolls dried up”.
- 100.
Cline (2014: 152–154). Cline refers mainly to economic decentralization. But this of course also holds true for politics.
- 101.
The question was especially raised in the discussion after the presentation on the end of Czarist Russia by Matthias Stadelmann. For Ancient Egypt, no sources are preserved which were written by third persons, describing the king or his actions; no documents transmit clear hints at certain kings’ personalities.
- 102.
Used by Alfred Kohler in the lecture on Karl V. during the conference. It refers to coincidental events affecting dynastic succession (i.e., early death of the king or long reign).
- 103.
Kitchen (1982: 206).
- 104.
He must have been at least in his 40s upon accession. Brand (2016: 20) thinks he might have even been in his 60s upon accession.
- 105.
Brand (2016: 22). 48 sons and 53 daughters can be identified from the sources. It is unknown though, how unusual the seemingly high number of offspring is. This is related to the fact that only Ramesses II, and to some extent Ramesses III and Herihor, displayed their offspring prominently; Other long-reigning kings of the 18th Dynasty might have had also high numbers of offspring, even though less princes are known from the whole 18th Dynasty than of Ramesses II. Brand (2016: 7 and 30).
- 106.
- 107.
Dodson (2016a: 42–43).
- 108.
The chronologically more stable factors in this period were some high officials such as high priests of Amun or viziers, whose terms of office sometimes spanned several reigns. Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 134).
- 109.
The kinship cannot be proven but Dodson (2016a: 119 with FN 1) suspects the relation based on the name containing the name of the god Seth.
- 110.
Jansen-Winkeln interprets in contrast these internal problems as a potential result of successful campaigns of Libyans and/or Sea Peoples. Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 132); The idea of Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 132) is that Amenmesse might have fought an enemy in Thebes, taking over kingship at the end of a victorious campaign (though this is problematic in my opinion). It would suggest that the attack should have come from the deserts as the king seems to have stayed in the north. It is hardly convincing to think that both were at the same time in the south of the country if the enemy would have come from the north.
- 111.
Dodson (2016a: 103). If the identification as cerebral palsy is correct, even cognitive capabilities of the king might have been affected.
- 112.
Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 132).
- 113.
Hawass et al. (2012).
- 114.
Snape (2012: 412). He compares the situation to Ramesses II. Furthermore, Heather Lee McCarthy interprets the almost total absence of royal wives from the monumental record as sign that Ramesses III might have suppressed the power and influence of his queens in comparison to Ramesses II, adding to the problematic situation (personal communication 11.11.2018; presented at the SSEA 2016 scholars’ colloquium under the title The Royal Women of Ramesses III: Representation and Rules of Decorum); Gregory (2014: 152) thinks of the antagonism between Thebes and the North as important factor which is difficult to prove.
- 115.
For the internal problems in the later reign of Ramesses III and their possible relationship to a military encounter in regnal year 28, see Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 138–139).
- 116.
Snape (2012: 404–414).
- 117.
- 118.
Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 132).
- 119.
- 120.
Jansen-Winkeln (2002: 139).
- 121.
Antoine (2009: 7).
- 122.
Eyre (2011: 710).
- 123.
Eyre (2011: 704).
- 124.
- 125.
- 126.
Knapp and Manning (2016: 100).
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Acknowledgments
I thank Alexandra Verbovsek, Mary Ownby, and Barbara Gilli for helpful comments and Mary Ownby for checking the English. However, all mistakes remain of course mine. The map was prepared by Matthieu Götz.
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Franzmeier, H. (2022). The End of New Kingdom Egypt. In: Gehler, M., Rollinger, R., Strobl, P. (eds) The End of Empires. Universal- und kulturhistorische Studien. Studies in Universal and Cultural History. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-36876-0_5
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