Abstract
As early as 1794 Agha Mohammad Shah, a eunuch with no children of his own, had designated his nephew Fath ‘Ali Khan, whom he always referred to as Baba Khan, as his successor. After a brief period of resistance by Fath ‘Ali Khan’s uncle, Sadeq Khan Qajar Devehlu, who had been one of Agha Mohammad Shah’s military commanders, Fath ‘Ali Shah mounted the throne. One of his first acts was to send conciliatory messages to St. Petersburg, indicating that he had no intention of pursuing his uncle’s policy of expansion in the southern Caucasus.
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Notes
- 1.
Agha Mohammad Shah.
- 2.
As Markham (1874: 356) put it, ‘Agha Muhammad had murdered almost every relation who was at all likely to dispute the throne; but there was one uncle left, named Sâdik Khân, who rose in rebellion.’ In Malcolm (1829/2: 203) we read, ‘this ambitious nobleman [Sadeq Khan Qajar Devehlu] not only afforded them [the assassins] protection, and accepted the crown jewels which they brought him, but, having assembled his tribe, endeavoured to seat himself on the throne of Persia.’
- 3.
Leaving Shisha, Sadeq Khan proceeded towards Qazvin where his family was. By this time Fath ‘Ali Shah, Agha Mohammad Shah’s chosen successor, was already in Tehran. The gates of Qazvin remained closed to him however, and his brothers had been defeated by the governor of Khoy, from whom they fled. Fath ‘Ali Khan’s forces defeated Sadeq shortly thereafter. See Watson (1866: 108–109).
- 4.
Tehran.
- 5.
This first appeared in in the Calcutta Gazette on 14 January, 1797. See Seton-Karr (1865: 478).
- 6.
Baba Khan, i.e. Fath ‘Ali Shah. As Schlechta-Wssehrd (1864a: 21) noted, ‘Sein eigentlicher Name war Fethali, doch pflegte ihm sein verstorbener Oheim [Agha Mohammad Shah], dessen Liebling er war, die zärtliche Benennung Baba (Väterchen) beizulegen die ihm auch bis zu seiner Thronbesteigung verblieb.’ According to the Qajar chronicle used by MacGregor (1871: 107), ‘In the year 1794 A.D., Aga Mahamad proclaimed his nephew, Fateh Alī Khān, commonly called Bābā Khān, successor to the throne, and appointing him to the government of Persia Proper sent him to reside at Shīrāz.’ As Malcolm (1827/2: 140) noted, ‘his cruel but able uncle, Aga Mahomed, had destroyed all who were likely to dispute his possession of the crown. “He had,” to use his own words, “raised a royal palace, and cemented it with blood, that the boy Bâbâ Khan (the name he always gave his nephew) might sleep within its walls in peace.”’ After the death of Lutf ‘Ali Khan, ‘Baba Khan was appointed to the government of Fars.’ See Scott Waring (1807: 304–305). According to Malcolm (1829: 205), Agha Mohammad Shah ‘used often to exclaim, when speaking of his successor, the present King of Persia, “I have shed all this blood, that the boy, Bâbâ Khan, may reign in peace.”’
- 7.
Watson (1866: 101) related that, Agha Mohammad Shah’s murderers ‘seized the crown jewels, and handed them over to Sadek Khan Shekaki, one of the generals of the army, who afforded the assassins protection.’ Further, he wrote, ‘Sadek Khan, who had carried the crown and the royal jewels away with him from the field of Kasveen, was enabled by their means to make his peace with the king, who appointed him governor of a province.’ See Watson (1866: 112). Later, however, he joined a conspiracy against Fath ‘Ali Shah and when this collapsed as a result of strife among the conspirators, Sadeq Khan sought the Shah’s mercy, was detained and transferred to Teheran. See Watson (1866: 115). When called upon to provide troops for a planned invasion of Khorasan, in response to Zaman Shah Durrani’s request for Khorasan to be surrendered to him as part of the Afghan kingdom, Sadeq Khan was sent for ‘and condemned to be bricked up in a room at Tehran, and there left to starve to death,’ in accordance with Fath ‘Ali Khan’s former promise never to shed Sadeq Khan’s blood. See Watson 1866: 125. According to Markham 1874: 357, ‘Sâdik Khân surrendered himself a prisoner, trusting to the sacred oath of his nephew that no violence should be used against him. The cruel Kájar, imitating the treachery of his predecessor, shut him up in a room, closed up the doors and windows, and left him to die of starvation. When the doors were opened, some weeks afterwards, it was found that the wretched man had dug deep into the earth with his hands, and swallowed the clay to assuage his hunger.’ For the Persian custom of eating clay, see Laufer (1930: 150–153).
- 8.
No such treaty was signed but as Atkin (1979: 64–65) noted, ‘The new Shah opened the way for improved relations with Russia by sending several friendly messages to Paul sometime in 1798 or early 1799… .Paul addressed the new Shah in a letter—not intended to sound hostile—by his precoronation name, Bābā Khan, and the title sardār (general)… .The tsar certainly gave up nothing to Fath ‘Ali in matters considered important to Russia’s interests—the security of Georgia and environs and freedom for Russian merchants to do business throughout Iran. Nonetheless, he did not exploit the Shah’s supposed weakness by treating him as an inferior… .His lack of condescension of the Shah was evidenced by his countermanding various measures which displeased Iranians, such as the plan to build a fort to protect Russian commercial interests in the Iranian port city of Anzali. The tone of his letter to the Shah, the freeing of several Iranian merchants imprisoned in Russia, the relaxation of commercial restrictions, and a variety of other actions all showed Paul’s desire to win the Shah’s good will.’
- 9.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 10.
Baku.
- 11.
Kur.
- 12.
Baku.
- 13.
Kur.
- 14.
On the spellings Buonaparte and Bonaparte, Scott (1827/3: 4, n. *) wrote, ‘There was an absurd debate about the spelling of the name, which became, as trifles often do, a sort of party question. Buonaparte had disused the superfluous u, which his father retained in the name, and adopted a more modern spelling. This was represented on one side as an attempt to bring his name more nearly to the French idiom; and, as if it had been a matter of the last moment, the vowel was obstinately replaced in the name, by a class of writers who deemed it politic not to permit the successful General to relinquish the slightest mark of his Italian extraction, which was in every respect impossible for him either to conceal or to deny, even if he had nourished such an idea. In his baptismal register, his name is spelled Napoleone Bonaparte, though the father subscribes, Carlo Buonaparte. The spelling seems to have been quite indifferent.’
- 15.
Armand Simon Marie Blanquet du Chayla (1759–1826), ‘né à Marvéjols (Lozère)…se distingua pendant la guerre d’Amérique, puis à Aboukir, où il commandait une division de la flotte française; quitta le service en 1803; reçut de Louis XVIII le titre de comte.’ See Wimpffen (1900: 19, n. 1).
- 16.
Persian vakil, i.e. viceroy, deputy, representative of the ruler and sometimes head of finance. Cf. 6.130 and 6.143 for Karim Khan Zand’s use of this title.
- 17.
Tipu Sultan (1753–1799), ruler of Mysore (Mysuru). For his life see Brown (1849: 33ff).
- 18.
Kandeish, a district in the Bombay Presidency. ‘To the Eastward of Surat and Southward of Malûa is the province of Kandish, to which that of Berar is found to be annex’d… .Berar is to the Eastward of Kandish… .Brampur, the capital of Kandish, is a great town, near the head of the river Tapti… .One of the two roads leading from Surat to Agra, passes through Brampur.’ See Herbert (1759: 37).
- 19.
Much has been written of Napoleon’s designs on British India. See e.g. the long chapter entitled ‘Napoléon Ier et ses projets sur l’Hindoustan’ in Gaffarel (1908: 349–424).
- 20.
Zaman Shah Durrani (r. 1793–1800) of Afghanistan. For his career see e.g. Elphinstone (1815: 564ff). As Kaye (1856/1: 90) noted, ‘The invasion of Zemaun Shah, the weak and ambitious ruler of the country now known as Afghanistan, was at that time an old bugbear. Year after year had the Douranee [Durrani] monarch threatened a descent upon Hindostan; but his expeditions, which rose in blustering pomp, had ever set in ludicrous failure. The danger was great in our eyes; but only because it was remote and shadowy.’
- 21.
As Milburn (1813: lxxxiii) noted, ‘The empire of Hindostan being threatened with invasion by Zemaun Shah, an embassy was sent from Bengal to Persia, which was received with honour, and succeeded in the principal objects of its mission. The King of Persia was not only induced to attack Khorosan, which had the effect of withdrawing Zemaun Shah from his designs upon India, but entered into treaties of political and commercial alliance with the British Government, which, while they completely excluded the French nation from Persia, gave the English every benefit which they could derive from the connexion.’ Similarly, in his biographical sketch on Malcolm, Philippart (1823: 470–471) observed, ‘Shortly after the termination of the Mysore war [4 May, 1799; see Hamilton (1828: 271)], and the arrangements of the conquered territory were completed, it was deemed expedient that a mission should proceed from the Supreme government of India to Baba Khan [Fath ‘Ali Shah], in order to ascertain the intentions and power of that prince, and more particularly of Zemaun Shaw; and, under the apprehension that the latter was meditating the invasion of Hindostan, to engage the court of Persia to act with vigour and decision against either him or the French, should either attempt to penetrate to India through any part of the Persian territories.’ Elphinstone (1815: 568–569) noted of Zaman Shah, ‘In his foreign policy, his first object ought to have been to defend Khorassaun’ from Persian attempts to reconquer it, but instead he ‘made no serious effort to save Khorassaun; and his ill-directed and ill-timed attempts at Indian conquest, tended only to frustrate that favourite object of his ambition… .The rest of Shauh Zemaun’s reign was spent in attempts to invade India, from which he was always recalled by the pressure of the dangers which he had left unprovided for in the west.’
- 22.
One of Mehdi ‘Ali Khan’s goals on his embassy from the Governor of Bombay to Fath ‘Ali Shah (see below) had been ‘to hurry the advance upon Affghanistan of Prince Mahmoud and Prince Ferooz-shah, two brothers of the monarch of Cabul , who were at that time refugees seeking the aid of Fetteh Ali against their relative.’ See Watson (1866: 123–124).
- 23.
According to Malcolm, ‘Zemaun Shah…was necessitated to retreat, to prevent the threatened attack of Mahomed Khan, Khujjur [Agha Mohammad Shah], on the province of Herat. Since that we have received accounts that Mahomed Khan has fallen under the blow of an assassin. If this prove true, it will leave the Candahar Prince much at liberty to execute his favorite projects.’ See Kaye (1856: 90). Is this a confusion for Mohammad, Zaman Shah’s brother? According to Watson (1866: 120), ‘Prince Mahomed, the brother of Zeman Shah of Cabul, and the grandson of the founder of the Affghan kingdom, had taken refuge in Persia. He now wrote [to Fath ‘Ali Shah] to ask for help in recovering the government of Herat, which province he offered to hold under the orders of the Shah, whom he further offered to serve in extending his dominion in the direction of Turkestan. The Shah accordingly gave him the troops he required, and with their aid he succeeded in establishing himself at Herat.’
- 24.
In Napoleon’s Commentaries, written during his captivity on St. Helena, he wrote, ‘The invasion of India from Egypt is worked out with detail, and the attempt is made to treat the entire Expedition to Egypt as in the nature of a preparatory move toward an ultimate destination beyond the Indus.’ See Dennis (1901: 209).
- 25.
Tipu Sultan.
- 26.
The coast of Karnataka, west of the capital Mysuru.
- 27.
Fath ‘Ali Shah. Ekbal (1982a: 40) suggested that, at almost the exact moment as Malcolm was travelling to Tehran, representatives of Zaman Shah and Tipu Sultan were in Tehran in order to forge a unified anti-English front. Whether this was Zaman Shah’s intention is doubtful. According to Watson (1866: 124), ‘Zeman Shah…caused his vizeer to send an officer to Haji Ibraheem, the prime minister of Persia, with a request that Fetteh Ali would make over to Affghanistan the province of Khorassan,’ but Fath ‘Ali Shah ‘instructed his minister to reply that it was his intention to restore the south-eastern limits of Persia to the condition in which they had existed in the time of the Sefaveean Shahs: that is, he proposed to overrun, and to retain possession of, Herat, Merve, Balkh, Cabul, Candahar, Thibet, Kashgar and Seistan. Nor was this meant to be an idle threat; for orders were at once given for the royal forces to assemble at Tehran.’
- 28.
Anglo-Indian term, ‘The most usual popular measure of distance in India, but like the mile in Europe, and indeed like the mile within the British Islands up to a recent date, varying much in different localities.’ It corresponded to c. 2 mi. in the Bengal Presidency, 2.25 mi. in Madras and 4 mi. in Madras. See Yule and Burnell (1903: 261).
- 29.
- 30.
John Malcolm (1769–1833). He sailed from Scotland to India at the age of only 13, joining the Madras Establishment as an ensign in 1781 and rising to Major-General in 1819. See Philippart (1823: 469, n. *).
- 31.
According to Watson (1866: 126), the success of Mehdi ‘Ali Khan’s embassy to Fath ‘Ali Shah in provoking a Qajar attack on Zaman Shah ‘had not been known at Calcutta when the Earl of Mornington selected Captain Malcolm for the purpose of proceeding to the Court of Tehran.’ Lord Mornington appointed Malcolm as ‘Envoy to the Court of Persia,’ in early August, 1799. See Kaye (1856/1: 89).
- 32.
Malcolm’s suite included Capt. William Campbell, First Assistant; Lt. Charles Pasley and Mr. Richard Strachey, Assistants; Lt. John Colebrooke, commander of the escort; Mr. Gilbert Briggs, surgeon; and Mr. William Hollingbery, writer. See Kaye (1856/1: 105).
- 33.
Commanded by Capt. William Selby, the Bombay was escorted by the brig Harrington and left Bombay on 29 December 1799. See Kaye (1856/1: 105).
- 34.
Malcolm, at the time Assistant to Capt. James Achilles Kirkpatrick, the Resident at Hyderabad, was appointed jointly with Capt. Thomas Munro Secretary on the Commission including Sir Arthur Wellesley and Col. Barry Close ‘to settle finally the Mysore Government’ as well as the ‘division of the territories of Mysore, and the investiture of the young Rajah with the government of that country.’ He received news of this on 30 May 1799. See Kaye (1856/1: 87); Philippart (1823: 469).
- 35.
Mirza Mehdi ‘Ali Khan Khorasani. In a letter of 23 August 1799 to Jonathan Duncan, Malcolm requested that ‘such parts of the correspondence of Mr. Manesty, Mr. Jones, Mehedi Ali Khan, and others, relating to Persia, as you conceive would be useful to me, to be extracted for my perusal.’ According to Kaye (1856/1: 94, n. *), ‘Mehedi Ali Khan was a Persian, long employed in the Company’s service, whom Mr. Duncan had despatched to Persia with letters to the King.’ On his mission, see Kaye (1856/1: 114–115, 513–515); Busse (1972: 91).
- 36.
‘Captain Malcolm was charged to make some arrangement for relieving India from the annual alarm occasioned by the threatened invasion of Zeman Shah; to counteract any possible designs which the French nation might entertain with regard to Persia; and to endeavour to restore to somewhat of its former prosperity a trade which had been in a great degree lost.’ See Watson (1866: 126–127).
- 37.
Nader Mirza, ‘the son of Shahrukh, and the great-grandson of Nadir Shah. That prince, on the occasion of the visit of Aga Mahomed to Khorassan, had taken refuge with the Affghans, and on the death of the first Kajar Shah he had returned to Khorassan, and assembled troops about his person.’ When it was clear that he was no match for Fath ‘Ali’s forces, which had already stormed Nishapur and Turbat , ‘The disconcerted prince tendered his submission, received the Shah’s pardon, and gave his daughter in marriage to a Kajar general; by which alliance the feud between the two princely houses was put an end to.’ See Watson (1866: 121). According to Hasan-e Fasa‘i, ‘When the royal army arrived in the vicinity of Mashhad, Nāder Mirzā, ruler of Khorasan, son of blind Shāhrokh Shāh, son of Reżā Qoli Mirzā, son of Nāder Shāh, fled to Afghanistan, deserting his blind father.’ See Busse (1972: 69). ‘After the death of the shah…Nāder Mirzā went from Herāt to Mashhad without being disturbed by anybody. The inhabitants of Mashhad accepted his authority… .After the royal army marched off from Nishāpur, the shah [Fath ‘Ali Shah] gave orders to encamp outside Mashhad, Nāder Mirzā sitting behind the fortifications and the rampart of the town.’ After the entry of caravans with food had been blocked, ‘a group of Reżavi seiyeds, ulema and sheikhs came out of the town to ask for pardon on behalf of themselves and of Nāder Mirzā…The shah…accepted Nāder Mirzā’s request, and allowed them to return. Nāder Mirzā was pardoned and given the robe of honor befitting such an occasion.’ This occurred shortly before 17 August 1799. See Busse (1972: 89, 91).
- 38.
Nader Mirza was certainly never in Paris, but his father certainly was king of Persia, albeit in a truncated fashion; did have his eyes put out; and in a sense Nader succeeded Shahrokh in the government of Khorasan. Cf. Malcolm (1829: 55–56), Watson (1866: 94–95) and some of the articles cited above on Shahrokh Shah. Nader Mirza was arrested in late March, 1803 and, ‘After a trial he and some of his brothers were executed.’ See Busse (1972: 105).
- 39.
The original article (Anonymous 1800b) is from a letter dated ‘Bombay, March 5,’ hence ‘yesterday afternoon’ ought to be 4 March 1800, not 2 March, as would be implied by the datelines in the American press. ‘March 3’ is a misreading of ‘March 5.’
- 40.
William Selby ‘of the hon. Company’s marine of this establishment [Bombay]’ and sometime ‘commodore on the Surat station.’ See Anonymous (1803a).
- 41.
Bandar-e Bushehr.
- 42.
- 43.
According to Kelly (1968: 70), ‘Saiyid Sultan was away, cruising in search of Qasimi pirates in his frigate Gunjava at the entrance to the Gulf.’ As Badger (1871: lvi) noted, in the EIC treaties of 1798 and 1800 ‘Sultân is styled “Imaum,” as well by his own as by the British representative. I can only account for this fact on the supposition that both parties believed him to be virtually possessed of the implied authority; but it is certain, nevertheless, that the title [Imam] is never given to him in the author’s [Salil ibn Razik] narriative of his regency. He is uniformly referred to as “the Seyyid Sultân.”’
- 44.
Sayf bin Mohammad. As Miles (1919/2: 292–293) noted, ‘On anchoring in the harbour the Bombay was visited by the Governor of the town, Saif bin Mohammed, who came to call on Captain Malcolm, and stated that Sultan was absent on an expedition against the Attoobees [‘Utub ] and that his return was uncertain. Captain Malcolm returned the Governor’s visit the following day, and then having landed Dr. Bogle and installed him in his appointment set sail for Hormuz in search of Sultan.’ According to Kaye (1856/1: 106), ‘The Governor (Syfe Ben Mohamed) was a man of intelligence and experience, who knew the English and their Government well; he had made thirty-six voyages, of which sixteen had been to Bombay, and one to Calcutta; and he had sense enough to estimate the magnitude of our resources, and the advantages, both political and commercial, to Muscat of an alliance with so powerful a state.’
- 45.
As Kaye (1856/1: 108–109) noted, after visiting Sayf bin Mohammad, Malcolm and his suite ‘took ship again and set off in pursuit of the Imaum, whom he had expected to find at Ormus. But when he reached that island, he found that the Prince, after reducing the neighbouring island of Kishm [Qeshm], had sailed for Jalfa [Julfar], on the Arabian side of the Gulf. Malcolm, however, once on the track, was not likely to give up the pursuit; so, after exploring on foot a great part of the “once celebrated island,” and collecting all the information that could be gathered, re-embarked on board the Bombay.’
- 46.
Seyyid Sultan bin Ahmad. See Badger (1871: 213ff). Several decades later, as Berghaus (1832: 47) observed, the fort was ‘in leidlichem Zustande.’ Moreover, Stiffe (1874: 16) noted, that after gaining possession of Hormuz from the Portuguese in 1622, ‘The place was utterly ruined by the Persians, who wished to transfer the trade to their new port, Bandar ‘Abbasi, and has since remained in the same state. Even the building material appears to have been carried away and used for the new settlement at Bandar ‘Abbasi.’ Kleiss (1978: 172–173) noted a second and third phase of construction, following the original building of the fort, which he could not date. Perhaps the last of these represents the Omani repairs referred to here.
- 47.
According to the chronicle of Salil bin Raziq, sometime prior to 1799, ‘Sultân attacked…el-Kásum [Kishm], and reduced it. Then, after a reconciliation was effected betwixt him and the Benu-Mẚîn, the people of el-Kásum, he attacked it again; he also attacked Hormûz, the port of which island belonged to Mullah Hásan, el-Mẚîny, and took both places. These successes increased his renown and whetted his thirst for conquest.’ See Badger (1871: 226). Cf. Ross (1883: 24). As Miles (1919/2: 287) noted, after seizing control of Chabahar, ‘Sultan next sent an expedition against the Beni Naeem of Kishm and Hormuz, who had given him much provocation. This enterprise he commanded in person and with such skill that his conquest of the islands was complete.’
- 48.
Cf. Pedro Teixeira’s description of Hormuz [orig. Jarun] from 1587, ‘Es gibt auf dieser Insel drei ausdauernde Quellen, die am Fuße der Bergkette an verschiedenen Orten liegen; daraus gehen drei Bäche mit klarem reinem Wasser hervor, dieses ist aber so salzig wie Meerwasser.’ See Schwarz (1914: 536).
- 49.
Teixeira wrote, ‘There is plenty of good rock-salt, and very pure sulphur, whereof, during my stay, there were found mines, and much got out of them.’ See Sinclair (1902: 164).
- 50.
Qeshm.
- 51.
Cf. Hollingbery (1814: 10), who called it ‘the Gunjava of 32 guns.’ According to Phipps (1840: 178), the Gunjava was built at Rangoon in 1786 and ‘broken up at Calcutta’ in 1820. Malcolm (1827/1: 13) described the incident recorded here as follows: ‘we had been introduced to him [Saiyid Sultan, Imam of Muscat] on board the Ganjava, his flag ship, of a thousand tons burthen, and carrying forty guns.’ Kelly (1968: 70) wrote that, because Seyyid Sultan was absent from Muscat chasing al-Qasimi pirates, ‘Malcolm followed him, and on 17 January he fell in with Sultan off Hanjam Island. He had a long conversation with him, in which he dwelt insistently upon the extent of British power in India, enhanced now by the defeat of Tipu. Sultan, in reply, made the most cordial professions of friendship for the British. Malcolm then introduced to him Surgeon Archibald Bogle, of the Bombay establishment, expressing the hope that Sultan would accept him as the Company’s agent at Muscat. Sultan had not taken up the offer made to him by Jonathan Duncan in 1798 of the services of “a regular bred surgeon”, but he had lately been reported as desiring to have an English physician by him. Sultan now accepted Bogle without demur, both as private physician and as political agent, and the arrangement was confirmed in an agreement drawn up and signed on 18 January 1800.’ According to this document, an ‘English gentleman of respectability, on the part of the Honourable Company, shall always reside at the port of Máskat, and be an agent through whom all the intercourse between the states shall be conducted.’ See Badger (1871: lvi).
- 52.
Khark.
- 53.
Kaye (1856/1: 110) makes no mention of a stop at Khark, noting only that after Malcolm concluded his negotiations with Seyyid Sultan, ‘Malcolm steered his course for Bushire’ and ‘On the first of February he entered that port.’
- 54.
Bushehr.
- 55.
As noted above, Malcolm and his suite did not succeed in leaving Bushehr until the latter part of May and thus spent almost four months there before proceeding to Shiraz. Nor were the presents and baggage sent on. Rather, when 22 May arrived and Malcolm was ready to proceed, the party included, as pack animals, 27 camels and 346 mules. As Kaye (1856/1: 116, n. ‡), observed, ‘The presents alone found employment for a large proportion of the camels and mules.’
- 56.
Cf. Tavernier (1678: 143), ‘There are also some Mines of Gold and Silver in Persia, wherein it appears that they have anciently wrought. Sha-Abas also try’d again, but found his expence to be more than his profit: whence it is become a Proverb in Persia, Nokre Kerven dehkrarge nohhassel; The Silver-Mine of Kerven, where they spend ten to get nine, which is the reason that all the Gold and Silver of Persia comes out of Foreign Countries.’ Cf. Tavernier (1718: 619–620), ‘Il est constant qu’il y a eu anciennement en Perse des mines d’or & d’argent, dont il paroît encore des marques en quelques endroits dans de grands bouleversemens de terres & de rochers: Mais depuis que l’or & l’argent se sont rendus communs, par la quantité d’or qui sort du Royaume des Abyssins, de l’Isle de Sumatra, de la Chine & de plusieurs autres lieux, comme je diray au discours des Mines dans mes relations des Indes; & par les flotes d’argent qui viennent du Perou, & celuy que le grand commerce des soyes fait sortit du Japon, d’où l’on tire aussi une bonne quantité d’or; depuis ce temps-là, dis je, les Persans ont negligé de rechercher des mines dans leurs païs, & se contentent des especes d’or & d’argent qui leur viennent de l’Europe, dequoy j’ay parlé amplement dans le discours des monnoyes.’ For sources known in the nineteenth century see e.g. Tietze (1879: 648–650); Houtum-Schindler (1881: 178–180).
- 57.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 58.
Napoleon Bonaparte, titled ‘First Consul’ during the brief First Republic (1799–1804).
- 59.
Napoleon’s older brother Joseph Bonaparte (1768–1844) who, in 1800 and 1801 undertook diplomatic missions involving the United States, Austria and Great Britain. He did not, however, go to Iran.
- 60.
For the title ‘citizen’ in France during and after the French Revolution, see Gross (1999: 73–76).
- 61.
Antoine-Isaac Silvestre de Sacy (1758–1838), renowned French Orientalist.
- 62.
Silvestre de Sacy made no such journey. According to Dehérain 1918: 33, ‘Jamais Silvestre de Sacy n’alla dans les pays orientaux. L’épisode de son exploration des archives de Gènes [a department of the French Empire with its capital at Genoa] en 1805 mis à part, toute sa vie s’écoula sous le ciel de l’Ile-de-France, à Paris l’hiver et l’été à Ognes, près de Nanteuil-le-Haudouin.’
- 63.
- 64.
Tehran, Fath ‘Ali Shah’s capital.
- 65.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 66.
The designation of Seyyid Sultan as a ‘subject’ stems from the fact that Fath ‘Ali Shah, c. 1796–1799, had leased Bandar ‘Abbas and the nearby islands (Qeshm, Larak, Hormuz) to the Omani ruler. As Floor (2011a: 61) noted, however, ‘Despite the customs farm, Sayyed Soltan did not behave as someone who was but a customs farmer, but rather as the right-out owner of the customs jurisdiction. For on 12 October 1798 Sayyed Soltan concluded a treaty with the EIC that states, inter alia, “In the port of Bandar Abbas (Gombroon) the English shall be disposed to establish a factory, making it as a fort.’
- 67.
As Lorimer (1915: 171) noted, ‘A letter from Bonaparte to the Sultān of ‘Omān, written at Cairo in January 1799, was intercepted by the British at sea.’ However, previously, on 12 October 1798, ‘an agreement was obtained from the Sultān…binding him to the British side in the Anglo-French contest, excluding the French from his territories during its continuance, and granting the British a right to settle at Bandar ‘Abbas, which he held on lease from Persia. See Lorimer (1915: 172). In fact, the governor of Muscat had informed Malcolm that ‘a little more than a twelvemonth ago the French had stood much higher in the Imaum’s favor than the English—a circumstance to be accounted for by the paying him more attention, and sending him presents of cannon, &c.; but that they had lately captured one of his vessels, and he had since that period been very violent against them, and as strong in his expressions of partiality for the English.’ See Kaye (1856/1: 106, n. *).
- 68.
As Markham (1874: 426) noted, ‘In January 1800, Sultân concluded a…treaty with Sir John Malcolm, by which it was arranged that a British Agent should reside at Máskat.’
- 69.
- 70.
As Atkin (1979: 69) noted, ‘At the end of February 1801, an invasion force of fewer than twenty-three thousand men set out for India via Central Asia and met with a series of difficulties: first, there were terrible winter storms, then an early thaw, which broke up the ice on the rivers and forced the troops to alter their route several times. They ended up in unfamiliar territory where food for men and horses were scarce. At this point, word reached the commander that Paul was dead and Alexander had recalled the expedition.’
- 71.
See in general Strong (1965).
- 72.
Nawab Mirza Mahdi ‘Ali Khan Bahadur (c. 1760–1805), the Native Resident at Bandar-e Bushehr. It was he who in 1798 negotiated the agreement, confirmed in 1800 by Malcolm, with Seyyid Sultan. See Anonymous (1906: 12). As Onley (2007: 87) noted, ‘From 1798 to 1803 Mahdi ‘Ali Khan served as Britain’s first and only Native Resident in Bushire and Envoy to the Persian court. Mahdi ‘Ali Khan began his career with the East India Company twelve years before when he joined the staff of the Political Residency in Benares under Jonathan Duncan. He served initially as a munshi and later as the Native Agent in Ghazpur. In 1795, the Company appointed Duncan Governor of Bombay and Mahdi ‘Ali Khan went with him. When Duncan appointed Mahdi ‘Ali Khan Resident in Bushire in 1798, he invested him with the full authority and responsibility held by all previous Residents.’
- 73.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 74.
Joseph Bonaparte.
- 75.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 76.
Distinctly associated with the French Revolution, Barruel (1797: iii), ‘Sous le nom désastreux de Jacobins, une secte a paru dans les premiers jours de la Révolution Françoise, enseignant que les hommes sont tous égaux & libres; au nom de cette égalité, de cette liberté désorganisatrices, foulant aux pieds les autels & ls trônes; au nom de cette même égalité, de cette même liberté, appellant tous les peuples aux désastres de la rebellion, & aux horreurs de l’anarchie.’ For the pejorative connotations of the term ‘Jacobin’ and the many difficulties attending the definition of Jacobinism, see Scrivener (2010: 27). In this case, preventing the introduction of Jacobinism in Persia is a veiled reference to Napoleon’s plans of using Persia as a bridgehead in a future assault on India. To achieve this, the EIC established a Residency in Baghdad. Harford Jones was chosen as its first Resident and, as Yapp (1967: 326) wrote, ‘He was given letters to Sulaymān Pasha from [Henry] Dundas and the Secret Committee [of the Board of Control, which oversaw the EIC] warning the Pasha against French Jacobinism.’
- 77.
In fact, the treaty concluded by Malcolm with Fath ‘Ali Shah pledged British support in the ‘expulsion and extirpation’ of any French forces attempting ‘to settle with a view of establishing themselves on any of the islands or shores of Persia,’ and further, ‘if ever any of the great men of the French nation express a wish or desire to obtain a place of residence or dwelling on any of the islands or shores of the kingdom of Persia that they may there raise the standard of abode or settlement, such request or representation shall not be consented unto by the high in rank of the State encompassed with justice (the government of Persia), and leave for their residing in such a place shall not be granted.’ See Hurewitz (1956: 69).
- 78.
John Malcolm.
- 79.
Possibly William Hollingbery. See Hollingbery (1814).
- 80.
Kazerun.
- 81.
- 82.
As Markham (1874: 324–325) noted, ‘In the vicinity of the city are numerous beautiful gardens. The most famous is the Jahân Numa, or “Epitome of the World”—where the cypress-trees, which line the walks are the tallest and largest that were anywhere to be found. Intermixed with these are broad spreading chenars (plane trees), all manner of fruits, and abundance of roses and jessamine.’
- 83.
- 84.
As Markham (1874: 325) noted, ‘Close to this garden [Jahān Numa] flows the classic stream of Roknabâd’ and n. 1, ‘General Monteith says it is only two or three feet wide, but it is a perennial stream of clear water.’
- 85.
A popular garden in Hafez’s lifetime, where he was later buried. Cf. Nott (1787: 85), ‘In the preceding note, Mosella is mentioned, as a chapel near Shiraz, by the learned orientalist [Sir William Jones] I have quoted; but I apprehend, it was only the name of a pleasantly-situated and sacred spot of ground, in the time of Hafez, after whose death, a chapel and monument were built there by Mohammed Minai.’
- 86.
- 87.
Malcolm’s suite only arrived at Isfahan on 23 September. See Kaye (1856/1: 127).
- 88.
On 9 October Malcolm wrote to his friend Neil Benjamin Edmonstone, ‘The entertainment given me yesterday by the Begler Bey exceeds all I have yet seen. The illuminations and fireworks were very grand; and, to crown all, when we were seated in an elegant apartment, one side of it, which was chiefly formed of mirrors, opened, and a supper laid out in the English style, with tables and chairs, presented itself to our utter astonishment, for we little expected such apparatus in the middle of Persia. The difficulty of feasting us in our own style made the compliment the greater.’ See Kaye 1869/1: 211. For the life and career of Edmonstone (1765–1841), who held various important posts in Calcutta, ranging from Chief Intelligence Officer of the EIC and Secretary of the Secret, Foreign and Political Department to Acting Governor-General on two occasions and Professor of Persian at the College of Fort William, see Chancey (2003) and Tritton (2019).
- 89.
Haji Mohammad Hoseyn Khan (1758–1823). See Busse (1972: 100).
- 90.
‘Abdollah Khan. See Ouseley (1823: 22).
- 91.
In his memoirs Malcolm made no mention of this reception but in a letter written at Isfahan on 27 September to his uncle, John Pasley, he wrote,‘Nothing can exceed the attention I receive. I was met eight miles from this town by all the great men, ten thousand troops and about twenty thousand inhabitants.’ See Kaye (1856/1: 127).
- 92.
Safavid.
- 93.
Malcolm wrote to Pasley that, after being greeted by the great throng of thousands outside of Isfahan, he was ‘conducted to my tents, which I have since left to occupy one of the finest palaces, which has been prepared for my reception.’ See Kaye (1856/1: 127).
- 94.
As Walcher (2001: 117–118) noted, ‘Hajji Muhammad Husayn Khan [1758–1823] has been credited with the initial revitalization of Isfahan at the beginning of the century. He began his career as a warehouse manager (anbardar), rising to become headman (kadkhuda) of a city quarter. In 1210/1795–96, he was named governor of Isfahan, Qum, and Kashan and in 1221/1806, he was appointed mustawfī al-mamālik and given the title “Amin al-Dawla.” Seven years later, the title “Nizam al-Dawla” was also confrred on him. In 1234/1818 on the death of Mirza Shafi‘Mazandarani he was appointed to the position of ṣadr-i a‘ẓam which he held until his death in 1239/1823. By the end of his life he was one of the richest men in Persia.’ Without naming him Gardane (1809a: 57), wrote, ‘Visite au Beglierbey d’Ispahan. Ce Seigneur est immensement riche; on dit qu’il a 3000 domestiques.’ Ouseley (1823/3: 22) noted, ‘We had not been many hours in this Persian Elysium [Isfahan] before the Ambassador received a visit from Háji Muhammed Husein Khán…the Amín ad douleh…second minister of the Empire and ruler of that extensive region, which lies between Amínábád and Tehrán.’
- 95.
For the Persian idiom rasmi rikab, ‘paying attendance at the imperial stirrup, at court, &c,’ see Steingass (1963: 584 s.v. rikab, ‘A stirrup’).
- 96.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 97.
The distance is closer to 569.3 miles (916.2 kms).
- 98.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 99.
An anachronism, as Agha Mohammad Khan had died in 1797 and Fath ‘Ali Shah had already reigned for four years.
- 100.
Khorasan.
- 101.
- 102.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 103.
- 104.
No friend of Fath ‘Ali Shah’s by this name is mentioned by Hasan-e Fasa’i.
- 105.
Hasan-e Fasa’i gave a very different account of the alleged plot against Fath ‘Ali Shah, noting that ‘every day courtiers and other people submitted false accusations and mendacious indictments to the shah with regard to Haji Ebrahim,’ but when letters were produced – allegedly sealed with Haji Ebrahim’s seal - addressed to the Shah’s brother Hoseyn Qoli Khan and other high-ranking officials, inviting them to join a conspiracy to overthrow the empire, Haji Ebrahim and his family were arrested. Despite his protestations of innocence, Haji Ebrahim had his eyes blinded and his tongue cut out and he and many members of his family, ‘his brothers, sons, and relatives, everybody at his respective place, were either killed or deprived of their sight.’ See Busse (1972: 98–99). As Watson (1866: 128–129) noted, ‘The Itimad-ed-Dowleh, Haji Ibraheem, the prime minister of Persia, had acquired such a degree of influence throughout the country as gave his enemies’ statements the appearance of reasonableness, when they whispered to the Shah that it was the intention of his minister to depose him. There is no ground for believing that Haji Ibraheem actually did harbour any such design… .But Haji Ibraheem was too powerful to be openly attacked. Nearly the half of Persia was governed by his some or other relatives, who would at his command have at once raised the standard of revolt against the Shah. An order was therefore issued that, on a given day, the prime minister and all his kindred should be seized or put to death.’ Cf. Wheeler (1871: 36–37).
- 106.
While in Tehran Malcolm in fact was housed in the palace of Haji Ibrahim Khan. See Busse (1972: 94). According to Malcolm (1829/2: 309, n. s), ‘The late Hajee Ibrahim, during the whole period that he was prime minister to Aga Mahomed Khan, presided over every department of the state.’ Haji Ibrahim Khan’s seal was affixed to the treaty concluded by Malcolm with Fath ‘Ali Shah. See Kaye (1856/1: 144).
- 107.
Zaman Shah Durrani (r. 1793–1800) was deposed and blinded. As Kaye (1851: 23) noted, ‘Between a blind king and a dead king there is no political difference. The eyes of a conquered monarch are punctured with a lancet, and he de facto ceases to reign. They blinded Shah Zemaun, and cast him into prison; and the Douranee Empire owned Shah Mahmoud as its head… .He survived the loss of his sight nearly half a century; and as the neglected pensioner of Loodhianah , to the very few who could remember the awe which his name once inspired, must have presented a curious spectacle of fallen greatness…He died at last full of years, empty of honours, his death barely worth a newspaper-record or a paragraph in a state paper. Scarcely identified in men’s minds with the Zemaun Shah of the reigns of Sir John Shore and Lord Wellesley, he lived an appendage, alike in prosperity and adversity, to his younger brother, Soojah-ool-Moolk.’ Cf. Beale 1894: 427, ‘He was blinded by his younger brother, Mahmūd Shāh of Herāt, about the year A.D. 1800, and confined in the Bālā Hisār. When, in the year A.D. 1839, the British Government placed Shāh Shujāa on the throne of Kābul, Zamān Shāh was proclaimed king by the Afghāns in January A.D. 1842.’
- 108.
Sikhs.
- 109.
This was what Sykes (1940/1: 381) termed ‘the conspiracy of the chiefs.’ According to Burnes et al. (1839: 52–53), ‘Shah Zemán during the early part of his reign, listened to the counsels of his minister Ramatulla Khan, and wasted his power in ill timed invasions of India. It was this king that raised Runjeet Singh to consequence in the Punjab, having created him viceroy there. Shah Zemán previous to one of his invasions of India rejected his brother Hamayoon from Candahar, and taking him prisoner with him to Bhag , there blinded him; he also imprisoned Abbas and secured Peshawer. On his return from one of his latest campaigns, having detached the Shaheeuchee-bashee with a force against the Sikhs (who was killed at Guzerat) his Vizier Ramatulla Khan persuaded him that his nobles had entered into a conspiracy to dethrone him, and that they held their counsels at the house of a learned and pretendingly pious man Myan Ghulam Mahammed . Among the nobles, was Penda Khan the father of the present Affghan Chiefs, who received the title of Sirfraz Khan from Timoor Shah for his brave conduct in the battle of Multan; Shah Zeman had him with several others of the principle nobles put to death in Candahar. His wife with her eldest son Fatteh Khan fled to Mahmood who was in retirement in Persia; they collected a force, and took Herat, while Shah Zeman was in a campaign in the Punjab, from his sons Princes Naseer and Hyder: this news brought Shah Zeman, from Hindoostan; Mahmood had in the interval taken Candahar from Prince Kaisar, and a battle took place between the two rivals at Mukud, which ended in the defeat of Shah Zeman, who fled to Cabool , where, however, he could not keep his position, but retired to Peshbulak, almost alone and took refuge in the house of a mulla named Ashuk, who betrayed him to a party that Mahmood had sent in pursuit of him; by whom he was taken a prisoner to Cabool, where his eyes were put out, and his Vizier Ramatulla Khan after being paraded through the streets on an ass, was beheaded.’ The death of Ramatullah may have caused the confused report of Shah Zaman’s death.
- 110.
Although no such treaty was ever made, Shah Zaman did deal with a Sikh uprising in Lahore against the Afghan garrison and governor, who was killed, and ‘Upon reaching the capital, which the Sikh rebels had abandoned upon his approach, he received the homage of the Chiefs, among whom was Ranjit Singh. He then agreed to their petition that the Governor of Lahore should be selected from among the Sikh Chiefs to the exclusion of the unpopular Afghans. Zaman Shah thereupon appointed Ranjit Singh, who, although only nineteen years of age, had already acquired a great reputation for courage and statesmanship.’ See Sykes (1940/1: 380–381). Cf. Burnes et al. (1839: 52).
- 111.
As Atkin (1979: 67) noted, ‘As late as 1802, Iranian efforts to recapture Georgia were limited to small-scale, ineffectual raids that were justified as the defense of Bagration [on whom see below] claims. Fath ‘Ali Shah also tried to obtain his ends through peaceful methods by upholding his case in letters to Paul and Russian officials in the Caucasus.’ The war did not properly begin until the Russian conquest of Ganja in 1804.
- 112.
Cf. Anonymous (1802a: 243), ‘Of the war between Russia and Persia there is yet no farther information, than that the new regent of the latter, Baba Khan, has collected a considerable body of troops, in order to meet the Russian army, which has penetrated from the corner of Astracan, through Derbent to the Persian province of Ghilan. The circumstance which gave occasion to these hostilities is, that all the Russian subjects resident in the states of the said Regent were driven from their possessions, under a pretence that Russia acted unjustly in taking under its protection the provinces of Georgia and Mingrelia. It is apprehended that this dispute will be attended with a great deal of bloodshed.’ A translated letter of 8 May, 1802 (or 1801?), to Lord Castlereagh [Robert Stewart] (sender unknown), reported that, according to ‘letters and persons…arrived from Reshd [Rasht], the whole of the Russian craft at Enzellee [Bandar-e Anzali] have been ordered to return to Derbend and Baku, and that they are preeparing for their departure… .There are persons arrived from Baku…who openly say that there are 14,000 Russian troops at Derbend, and that others are following them, and these persons also say that there is a considerable number of vessels belonging to Government coming from Astrachan to Derbend and Baku.’ See Vane (1851: 171–172).
- 113.
Paul I had incorporated Georgia into the Russian Empire in 1800, an act that was confirmed by his successor Alexander, who ‘sent General Zizianoff [Prince Pavel Dimitriyevich Tsitsianov (1754–1806)], a Georgian by birth or extraction, as Governor General and Commander in Chief into the provinces beyond the Caucasus… ..He had no sooner arrived at Tiflis than he marched a force to Mingrelia, which submitted without resistance, and was immediately occupied by Russian troops.’ See McNeill (1836: 56). Cf. Low (1881b: 243). As Ingram (1973: 511–512) observed, after annexing Georgia, ‘The Russians immediately discovered…that it was impossible to administer Georgia without controlling the surrounding Mahometan Khanates, partly to safeguard Georgia from the Persians. In consequence, in the autumn of 1802, Alexander I sent Prince Tsitsianov to impose Russian rule upon the whole of the south eastern Caucasus.’
- 114.
The Earl of Elgin , British ambassador in Constantinople, wrote to Harford Jones in Baghdad on 21 October 1801 noting, ‘The Porte seem well apprized of the conduct of the Russians on the banks of the Caspian Sea, at Tiflis and Rumbec, and at Kars. They consider these operations as directed certainly against the interests of Persia, but not on any extensive scale or ambition, or as likely to be carried beyond their present progress. Explanations on these matters have passed between Russia and Turkey, which leave no apprehension on the minds of the Ottoman Government.’ See Vane (1851: 165).
- 115.
Guria, region in southwest Georgia, bordering the Black Sea. It is divided from Mingrelia by the river Rion. See Boyes (1877: 208).
- 116.
This is not an anachronistic reference to Agha Mohammad Shah, but rather to Fath ‘Ali Shah’s envoy, Mohammad Hoseyn Khan Qajar Qoyunlu. As Brosset (1857: 267–268) noted, in 1798, after Giorgi succeeded his father Erekle II as king, ‘Chah-Baba-Khan envoya au roi Giorgi son chef des pages, Mahmad-Khan Qadjar, pour l’inviter à se soumettre à lui et demander un des fils de ce prince, qui resterait auprès de sa personne, moyennant quoi il promettait de lui donner Chaki et le Chirwan , ainsi qu’Erivan et Gandja … .Entendant ses propositions, le roi Giorgi, alors à Thélaw , dans le Cakheth, expédia son beau-père Giorgi Tzitzichwili, général du Gaghma-Mkhar, chargé de promettre qu’il ferait tout ce qui lui était demandé, si le chah, de son côté, lui livrait tous les captifs enlevés de Tiflis par son oncle [Agha Mohammad Shah]. Lorsque Giorgi Tzitzichwili et Mahmad-Khan, l’envoyé du chah, arrivèrent à Phambac, ils y apprirent la nouvelle d’un mouvement en Perse. En effet Baba-Khan, étant venu dans l’Aderbidjan et se trouvant à Khoï, fut informé de la défectionn de son frère Ouséin-Qouli-Khan, qui régnait dans l’Iraq [‘Iraq ‘Ajami], ce qui le força lui-même à aller dans ce pays. Sur ce, Giorgi Tzitzichwili revint d’Erivan et laissa Mahmad-Khan se rendre auprès du chah… .L’empereur Paul en fut informé et fit sur-le-champ promettre par écrit au roi Giorgi, afin de l’empêcher de se joindre aux Persans, qu’il le secourrait et lui accorderait tou ce qu’il voudrait… .le roi se mit de nouveau sous la protection russe, aux termes de l’arrangement ou traité de 1783, conclu entre l’Impératrice Catherine et le roi Iracli.’ For the text of that treaty see Boulger (1879/1: 345–348). This ‘Mahmad-Khan Qadjar,’ identified here as ‘chef des pages,’ was presumably Mohammad Hoseyn Khan Qajar Qoyunlu, who had been Aga Mohammad Shah’s chamberlain. See Busse (1972: 75).
- 117.
Haji Khalil Khan-e Koroghlu Qazvini, who was malek ot-tojjar, ‘alderman of the merchants,’ was ‘appointed envoy to India in the name of the Persian government. Carrying befitting gifts and presents from the Persian government, he departed from Tehran at the end of Ramażān of that year [1215, i.e. 1800/1801] in the company of the ambassador, Sir John Malcolm,’ according to Hasan-e Fasa’i. See Busse (1972: 95).
- 118.
An unwavering belief in astrology and in waiting for a propitious day to do something important is frequently found in literature on Safavid and Qajar history. As Scott Waring (1807: 9) noted, ‘The Persians are firmly persuaded of the truth of judicial astrology, and seldom undertake any business without consulting their astrologers; the most lucrative profession in all Persia. It is useless to attempt convincing them of the fallacy of their belief.’ Cf. Fraser (1825: 64, n. *), ‘no one will commence any undertaking, however trifling, without consulting their oracle for a fortunate day or hour.’
- 119.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 120.
Risso (1989: 388) described him as ‘a tax farmer and also…the port’s [Bandar-e Bushehr] chief merchant (malik-i tujjar)… Hajji Khalil…along with his brother-in-law and son, established a network between Iran and India that lasted well into the nineteenth century.’ His purpose, following Malcolm’s visit, was ‘to pay the compliment of a return mission, and to arrange for the ratification and interchange of the treaty.’ See Rawlinson (1849: 11, n. *).
- 121.
As Low (1877/1): noted, ‘In 1698 the Company obtained a grant of the towns of Chattanuttee, Govindapore, and Calcutta, and constructed Fort William, when the station was constituted a Presidency.’
- 122.
As its name suggests, the Chiffonne, 36 guns, was originally a French frigate. It was captured by HMS Sibylle, 38 guns, Capt. C. Adam, on 19 April 1801 in the Seychelles and ‘added to the British navy under her French name.’ See Cust (1862b: 102–103). In 1809–10, HMS Chiffonne took part ‘in the expedition against the pirates’ in the Persian Gulf. See Horsburgh (1817: 408).
- 123.
Henry Stuart. See Steel (1802: 5).
- 124.
Richard Wellesley (1760–1842), Earl of Mornington and Governor-General of India (1798–1805).
- 125.
Scott Waring heard conflicting accounts of his death while travelling back to India from Basra in 1802. He wrote (Scott Waring 1807: 134–135), ‘On the fifth of October I left Bassora on my return to India…and on the seventh, in the evening, we anchored off Bushire. It was here I learnt the melancholy fate of Hajee Khuleel Khan, the Persian ambassador to his excellency the most noble the Governor General of India. The accounts which were given me of this unfortunate event, differed very inconsiderably from the real facts; and the whole of the people appeared fully impressed with the notion, that this accident was as sudden and unforseen, as the catastrophe was deeply and feelingly lamented… .Hajee Khuleel Khan was a shrewd sensible man; but as his origin was obscure, he was not much respected by the chief families in the empire. His influence with the king excited their envy, and his riches and prosperity confirmed the sentiments they entertained concerning him. He was a successful and an extensive merchant; but his economy, I fear, will not escape the imputation of excessive avarice. He has left an only son, of about eleven years of age, who has been most nobly and liberally provided for by the British government in India.’
- 126.
Persian sipah. ‘Generally written and pronounced Sepoy in India; a soldier… .This is the same word as the Turkish Spahi, which occurs so often in the English prints.’ See Kirkpatrick (1785: 70).
- 127.
Mazagaon, where the house assigned to the Persian ambassador was located, effectively a suburb of Bombay. It was famous for its mangos. See Crawfurd (1867: 263). According to Hasan-e Fasa’i, ‘One day at sunset two or three of the ambassador’s servants shot at the birds which were sitting on the roof and trees, killing some. As the Indians hold the life of animals sacred, they tried to stop the shooting. Upon this a quarrel arose, the rest of the servants came out of the palace and there was fighting between the soldiers and the servants. Haji Khalil Khān, coming out of the palace to settle the dispute, was struck by a ball and killed.’ See Busse 1972: 106. For the early Qajar state record’s account see Brydges (1833: 210–213).
- 128.
Agha Mohammad Hoseyn. Described by Abu Talib Khan, who met him in Bombay, as ‘a sensible and genteel young man…not quite recovered from the effects of five or six wounds which he received’ during the attack that led to his uncle’s death. He was ‘waiting at Bombay, in expectation of being appointed Ambassador, in the room of his deceased uncle, and, in consequence, received a liberal pecuniary allowance from the [East India] Company. He lived in a handsome style, and frequently invited me to his parties… .A short time before I quitted Bombay, he received intelligence that Aga Abd al Nubby [Mohammad Nabi Khan; see Busse 1972: 132], the Bussora [Basra] merchant, was appointed to fill the station of his uncle; which very much mortified him, and he was obliged to return to Persia.’ See Stewart (1810: 392–393).
- 129.
John Hector Cherry (1763–1803), ‘who died Member of Council, Bombay.’ He is buried in the cemetery of St. George’s Cathedral, Madras (Chennai). See Cotton (1905: 93). Brydges (1833: 211, n. ll) noted, ‘Mr. Duncan was at this time Governor of Bombay, but was absent from Bombay, and the late amiable John Hector Cherry was in charge of the Government.’
- 130.
Neil Benjamin Edmonstone (1765–1841). In addition to his position as Secretary to Government, he was ‘Professor of the Persian Language and Literature’ in the College of Fort William in Bengal. See Anonymous (1805a: 237). For his career and enormous influence, see Chancey (2003); Tritton (2019). His name appears as translator on many official documents, e.g. letters of Tipu Sultan written in Persian. According to Kaye (1869/1: 352–353, n. *), ‘the more I study the history of India, in the transactions of the first twenty years of the present century, the more convinced I am that, among the many eminent public servants who helped to build up the great Raj of the Company, he had not a superior and scarcely an equal. He was the great political foreman of a succession of Governors-General. It was his lot to be, ostensibly, little more than the mouthpiece of others. Seen in official records, therefore, the merit of his best work belongs to others; and it is only by men who have access to those best materials of history—the rough-hewings, as it were, of great measures, traceable from their first inception to their final formal execution—that the measure of his greatness can be justly estimated.’
- 131.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 132.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 133.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 134.
Richard Wellesley (1760–1842), Earl of Mornington.
- 135.
Haji Khalil Khan-e Koroghlu Qazvini.
- 136.
Mazagaon.
- 137.
Principally his son Mohammad Isma‘il Khan. See Busse (1972: 106). In a listing of ‘Pensions and Charitable Allowances’ paid out in the fiscal year ended 30 April 1854, i.e. over half a century later, by the EIC, ‘Aga Mahomed Ishmael Khan (Son of Hajee Khalil Khan)’ received a pension of £1312. See Anonymous (1856a: 26).
- 138.
The identical text is included in the publication of Marquess Wellesley’s papers. See Martin (1836: 669–671).
- 139.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 140.
According to Hasan-e Fasa’i, Haji Khalil’s surviving son Mohammad Isma‘il Khan, ‘was paid an indemnity of 50,000 toman, and in addition to this he received a monthly advance. For many years he lived in a prosperous condition in Paris and London, always clad in the Persian style. All his life he wore the high headgear of black lambskin, the long-sleeved coat, the cloak, the short padded coat, the wide trousers, and shoes of shagreen leather with high heels. He died in Paris about the year 1280 [1863/4].’ See Busse (1972: 106–107). Cf. Sykes (1915: 399), who wrote, ‘The English authorities, who were much upset at the untoward occurrence, made the most handsome amends, and the Shah is said to have observed that more ambassadors might be killed on the same terms’ and in n. 1, ‘Ismail Khan, son of the envoy, was granted a pension of two thousand rupees a month for life. He lived to enjoy this annuity for sixty-five years, and died in Paris, where he attended every performance of the opera during a period of fifty years.’ Cf. Lang (1948: 330), n. 31 who wrote the same thing almost word for word without attributing it to Sykes.
- 141.
None other than John Malcolm who occupied the position of private secretary to the Governor-General while Henry Wellesley, the Governor-General’s brother, was away on a special mission to Oudh [Avadh/Awadh]. As Kaye (1869/1: 214) observed, ‘Whenever any difficulty arose, it occurred to Lord Wellesley at once to send Malcolm on a special mission to set it right. So when, in July, 1802, the Persian Ambassador, who had come to India about the ratification of the treaties, was unhappily shot in an affray at Bombay, Malcolm was despatched to that Presidency to endeavour to make the best of so untoward an occurrence.’
- 142.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 143.
Haji Khalil Khan-e Koroghlu Qazvini.
- 144.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 145.
As per the ‘Memo (Most Secret) of the court of Directors, as to order for a force to be sent from India to cooperate in expelling the French from Egypt, to Bombay Government, 7 October 1800,’ cited by Bandyopadhyay (1990: 712, n. 27). Given the fact that British naval resources in the Mediterranean were not overly strong and British land forces in England were needed to thwart a potential French invasion, ‘it was thought urgent, as desired by the British Diplomats and merchants, to conquer Egypt with the help of the Indian Sepoys from Bombay. On the fourth March 1801 seven ships laden with arms and ammunition and carrying 2901 sepoys including followers…sailed from Bombay towards Suez commanded by 70 European officers. After the expulsion of the French and the restoration of the dominant British influence in Egypt in collaboration with the Anglo-Turkish troops despatched from Turkey the Indian Sepoys were sailed back to Bombay in July 1802.’ See Bandyopadhyay (1990: 708–709).
- 146.
According to Hasan-e Fasa’i, ‘The governor of Bombay had all the soldiers and the officers imprisoned and reported the affair to the governor general of India.’ See Busse (1972: 106).
- 147.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 148.
Haji Khalil Khan-e Koroghlu Qazvini.
- 149.
As Kaye (1869a/1: 214–215) noted, Malcolm ‘wrote letters of explanation and condolence to the Shah and his Ministers; and made such liberal grants of money to all who had suffered by the mischance, that it was said afterwards in Persia that the English might kill a dozen Ambassadors, if they would always pay for them at the same rate.’
- 150.
Agha Mohammad Hoseyn.
- 151.
‘By a treaty between France and Turkey…Napoleon, then Chief Consul, acknowledged the sovereignty of the Porte over Egypt and its other dominions in full integrity; and the Sultan renewed the ancient privileges which the French had, under their kings, enjoyed in Turkey. The old policy of France, in seeking the friendship of the Ottoman Court, was now revived: and before long, the skill of Napoleon’s ambassadors, Generals Brune and Sebastiani, restored the French influence at Constantinople.’ See Creasy (1856/2: 345). For the text of the treaty, concluded on 25 June 1802, with ratifications exchanged on 8 September in Paris, see Hurewitz (1956: 71–72). Article 3 stipulates, ‘The French Republic shall enjoy in the Ottoman districts adjacent to the Black Sea, as much for its commerce as for the agents and commissioners of commercial relations which might be established in those places where French trade would render such establishment necessary, the same rights, privileges and prerogatives enjoyed by France before the war in other parts of the states of the Sublime Porte, by virtue of the old capitulations.’ As Puryear (1951: 2) observed, ‘The search for added profits made Bonaparte insist on penetrating the Black Sea for the first time.’
- 152.
Napoleon.
- 153.
The first step, after the ratification of the treaty, was to dispatch maréchal Guillaume Marie-Anne Brune (1763–1815) as ambassador to the Porte. Brune left Paris on 22 Octdober 1802 and arrived at Pera on 6 January 1803. ‘L’intention du Premier Consul est que l’ambassadeur de la République à Constantinople reprenue par tous les moyens la suprématie que la France avait depuis deux cents ans dans cette capitale.’ See Coquelle (1904: 55).
- 154.
Thomas Bruce, seventh Earl of Elgin (1766–1841), Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Porte from 1799 to 1803. See Cumming Bruce (1870: 306–308).
- 155.
As Anonymous (1803b: 756) noted, ‘After one year and sixteen days of peace, or rather of suspended hostilities, war has again begun, France having during the interval, received from us, all the conquests we had made (the Island of Malta excepted), and having, since the signature of the Preliminaries [on 1 October 1801], and even in consequence thereof, gained an immense acquisition of power and of territory, on the Continent of Europe. Holland, from the whole tenor of our complaints as well as from the well-known fact itself, can now be regarded as neither more nor less than an appendage of the Republic of France. The Cape, therefore, Cochin, Demerara, Surinam, Essequibo, and every other spot of earth, which we have restored to the Dutch, have, in reality, been surrendered to France.’
- 156.
Charles Mathieu Isidore Decaen (1769–1832), named by Napoleon governor ‘de nos colonies dans l’Océan Indien.’ According to Gaffarel (1908: 310), ‘Les instructions du Premier Consul étaient d’ailleurs très nettes. Decaen se savait appelé à un poste de combat, et il était résolu à s’y maintenir. “Vous pourvoierez avec l’activité qui vous distingue particulièrement, lui était-il dit, à toutes les dispositions de défense qu’exigera la sûreté des iles. Vous savez qu’elles son le boulevard de la France dans la mer des Indes; que de tout temps elles furent considérées comme le point militaire le plus essentiel pour balancer, inquiéter, combattre la puissance anglaise.’
- 157.
Charles Alexandre Léon Durand Linois (1761–1848), Rear Admiral of the French fleet sent to the Indian Ocean in 1803. The division of labor between Decaen and Linois was left very vague by Napoleon. As Gaffarel (1908: 314) noted, ‘On avait eu le tort à Paris de ne pas préciser les attributions de l’amiral et du général: aussi se prétendaient-ils égaux, et, s’ils consentaient à contribuer à une œuvre commune, ils entendaient bien ne se subordonner en rien l’un à l’autre. Il résulta de ce manque de clarté des froissements et bientôt des conflits.’
- 158.
Napoleon.
- 159.
Abandoned by the Dutch in early 1712, Mauritius was renamed Isle de France by order of Louis XV on 20 September 1715, by Guillaume Dufresne, sieur d’Arsel (1668- c. 1730), captain of Le Chasseur. Réunion was named Isle de Bourbon in 1657 by Étienne de Flacourt (1607–1660), the governor of Madagascar. See Grant (1801: 29, 147); Cunat (1857: 306–308); d’Épinay (1890: 73, 75).
- 160.
It is not immediately clear what engagement is being referred to in the long-simmering conflict between the Mahrattas and the British in the first few years of the nineteenth century. For a year by year account see Grant Duff (1918).
- 161.
Haji Khalil Khan-e Koroghlu Qazvini.
- 162.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 163.
François Louis Magallon, comte de La Morlière (1754–1815), Général de Division, Gouverneur Général des deux Iles, par interim, appointed 29 July 1800, based on Mauritius, and succeeded on 26 September 1803 by Decaen. See Fairfield (1880: 113). The date ‘June 15’ beneath the signature here is puzzling, since the letter appears to be dated to 4 February 1803 in the address above.
- 164.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 165.
Haji Khalil Khan-e Koroghlu Qazvini.
- 166.
Jonathan Duncan (1756–1811). He was ‘a member of the Bengal Civil Service, and for many years Resident at Benares,’ and ‘afterwards Governor of Bombay, from 1795 to his death on 11th August 1811. He died at Bombay, and was buried in the Cathedral.’ See Mandlik (1877: xi). For a short account of his life and achievements see Anonymous (1812b).
- 167.
Agha Mohammad Hoseyn.
- 168.
Haji Khalil Khan-e Koroghlu Qazvini.
- 169.
- 170.
- 171.
Maj. George Holmes had shortly before commanded the second Battallion first Native Infantry, under General Sir David Baird, in Egypt. See Anonymous (1817a: 95–96). Cf. 1803.8 reporting the deployment of Sepoys in Egypt.
- 172.
Richard Wellesley, Earl of Mornington.
- 173.
‘An address from an inferior; a petition.’ See Rousseau (1805: 23).
- 174.
The Governor’s mansion of Bombay, ‘a handsome and commodious building, having excellent and extensive gardens and grounds attached to it. It was formerly a Portuguese church, and was connected with a monastery. Being purchased by a former Governor of Bombay, he added a beautiful upper story to it; which has this peculiarity, that the floor is raised in the centre, like the quarter-deck of a ship.’ See Harvard (1823: 129). It was considered the Governor’s ‘country residence,’ in contrast to ‘the old Government House within the Fort walls.’ Sir James Mackintosh, who saw Parell House when he was in Bombay (1804–1811), described it as ‘a large, airy, and handsome house, with two noble rooms, situated in the midst of grounds, that have much the character of a fine English Park.’ See Mackintosh (1835: 210).
- 175.
Mir Abdul Latif Khan Shushtari (1758–1805), described as, ‘A gentleman descended from a very ancient Persian family, and distinguished, amongst the learned, as the author of the Tohfit al Aalum (The Rarity of the World).’ See Stewart (1810: 392). For the significance of his autobiographical work detailing his journey to India, see Dabashi (2019: 26–46). For his transmission of ideas on modernity, especially science, in the West, see Tavakoli-Targhi (2011: 267–268).
- 176.
Aga Mohammad Hoseyn ‘embarked on his return to Persia on the Faz Rebany, captain Henderson, under a salute of seventeen guns,’ on 3 December 1803. See Campbell (1806: 85).
- 177.
Persian mehmandar, ‘official in charge of visitors to the court.’ See Busse (1972: 491).
- 178.
Jonathan Henry Lovett, ‘a good linguist and one of the few civil servants at Bombay fluent in Persian. He was torn away from the compilation at Fort William of a Maratha dictionary for the government of Bombay, to be dumped in an outpost in the Persian Gulf and given political and diplomatic tasks for which he lacked aptitude and inclination.’ Following the accidental death of Haji Khalil Khan in Bombay, ‘Wellesley and Malcolm expected Lovett to re-establish the British reputation for good conduct easily and quickly.’ See Ingram (1995: 73).
- 179.
Charles William Pasley (1780–1861), ‘an intelligent officer, who is also a writer of no common merit, began his service in the army as second-lieutenant of artillery, in 1797, removed into the royal engineer corps in 1798, and rose to be lieutenant-colonel of engineers, in December, 1814.’ He was knighted and ended his career as a General, having written a number of influential works on both military and non-military subjects. See Anonymous (1823e: 103–104); Tyler (1863); Vetch (1895). Pasley was John Malcolm’s cousin on his mother’s side. See Philippart (1823: 469, n. *); Ingram (1981: 294). In a letter to Charagh ‘Ali Khan-e Nava’i, vizier of Fars (Busse 1972: 452), Malcolm wrote, ‘Mr. Lovett, a gentleman of rank and respectability, has been nominated Resident at Bushire, and he has been particularly appointed to take charge of the letter from his Excellency the most noble the Governor-General to the King.’ However, in a postscript Malcolm added, ‘After writing this letter, I have been induced, by the severe illness of Mr. Lovett and the fear of detaining for a longer period his Lordship’s letter to the King, to send that letter with an Urzee [‘petition or humble representation either oral or in writing;’ see Yule and Burnell (1903: 959)] from myself and several letters to the nobles of the Government, by Mr. Pasley, who will, till the arrival of Mr. Lovett, fulfill his duties.’ See Kaye (1856: 193). Cf. Ingram (1995: 74) who noted that, because he was ill when he arrived at Bandar-e Bushehr, Lovett tried to persuade the government of Fars ‘to allow Pasley to deliver Wellesley’s letter. They refused, owing to Pasley’s junior rank…Nothing Lovett could say would persuade the Qajars that he was not an ambassador.’
- 180.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 181.
Although Fath ‘Ali Shah never threatened Lahore or the Punjab, this may be a mistaken reference to the long perceived threat of an invasion by Shah Zaman or his successor Shah Shuja‘. See Elphinstone (1815: 585–592). Lahore at this time was firmly under the Sikh ruler Ranjit Singh’s control. See Anonymous (1858).
- 182.
The enormous cost of the sumptuous presents given to Fath ‘Ali Shah has been commented on many times. Sutherland (1837: 30) noted, ‘We have wasted vast treasures to obtain the support of Persia against the invasion of the French and the Afghauns.’ Rawlinson (1849: 9) inveighed, ‘Captain Malcolm’s Treaty was not, perhaps, the most objectionable feature of his mission; his prodigality left a more lasting impression, and that impression, in the ratio of its original force and effect, has operated ever since to our prejudice. So lavish was his expenditure, that he was popularly believed to have been granted a premium of 5 per cent. on all the sums he could disburse; while the more intelligent, who rejected an explanation savoring so strongly of the “Arabian Nights,” could only draw, from his profusion, an exaggerated estimate of the wealth of England, or an inordinate appreciation of the value which we placed upon the Persian alliance. Money, we know, in the moral world, is much like opium in the physical. The stomach, once drugged, is insensible to milder stimulants; and thus, ever since we administered the first fatal dose, to create an influence, or to persuade the Persians of our really being in earnest in seeking for their friendship, we have had to follow the same pernicious treatment, with a merely temporary effect upon the patient, but to the ever active depletion of our Indian store, from which the prescriptions have been drawn.’ The gifts made to Fath ‘Ali Shah included, ‘Watches glittering with jewels; caskets of gold beautifully enamelled; lustres of variegated glass; richly chased guns and pistols of curious construction; marvels of European science, as air-guns and electrifying machines; besides a diamond of great value, and the mirrors, which had been brought up with so much toil.’ See Kaye (1856: 132–133). Kaye (1856: 134, n. *) also noted, ‘As the extravagance of Malcolm’s mission, especially in the matter of presents, has been commented upon by some writers (myself among the number), it is only right that his own recorded justification should be given… “I had good grounds,” he wrote in his journal, “to conclude that my conduct on this point will establish me an influence that would enable me to carry both the Political and Commercial objects of my mission, without subjecting the Government to any heavy engagements.”’ He then went on to enumerate how this expense had saved money, e.g. in the willingness of Fath ‘Ali Shah to campaign in Khorasan if necessary as a check on Zaman Shah; in its being ‘almost out of the power of an European nation to rival it in a country where so much depends on show and expense;’ and in the value of presents to be sent in return; and in truncating the mission by some two months, ‘a circumstance which, if it takes place, will meet the additional expense.’
- 183.
Haji Khalil Khan-e Koroghlu Qazvini.
- 184.
As Baddeley (1908: 65–66) noted, ‘The refusal of the free Djáro-Bielokáni tribesmen to deliver up those of the Georgian princes who had taken refuge amongst them was made the excuse for an expedition resulting in the annexation of their territory, thereby to some extent guaranteeing Georgia against the raids of the Daghestan mountaineers. Severe punishment meted out to those of the latter who had settled in the neighbourhood of Akhaltsikh kept them in check until the following year, when, to the number of 600, they were disarmed and sent back to their native fastnesses… .Western Georgia now breathed more freely, and Tsitsiánoff’s next step was to annex Mingrelia.’
- 185.
The occupation of Imeritia was not entirely pacific. Baddeley (1908: 66) wrote, ‘the rulers of Imeritia carried on perpetual warfare with their western brothers, and at last, instigated, no doubt by Tsitsiánoff himself, the dadian [Mingrelian ruler], following the example of Georgia, sought Russian protection, and Mingrelia was formally proclaimed a Russian province. Imeritia was now isolated, with the Russians on either side, and could no longer hope to maintain its independence. With a very bad grace the Tsar Solomon submitted to the inevitable, and his kingdom likewise was annexed by Russia on the 25th April 1804. Thus the ancient Iberian monarchy, broken up by the testamentary dispositions of the Tsar Alexander I. of Georgia four hundred years previously, was at last reunited under the sceptre of Alexander I.’ According to Brosset (1857: 276–277), ‘En 1803 Tzitzianof invita le roi Solomon à venir et à s’allier avec les Russes. Le roi étant venu, on lui fit prêter serment de fidélité, et on lui promit qu’il jouirait de l’indépendance sa vie durant. On lui demanda aussi qu’un petit corps de Russes résidât à Kouthathis. Le roi ayant consenti à tout, on lui donna l’ordre de Nevski en brillants. Il envoya aussi comme ambassadeur à la cour de Russie le thawad Solomon, fils de Léon, qui fut bientôt congédié, parce que le roi avait fait alliance avec les Osmanlis. Depuis lors il y eut, entre la Russie et l’Iméreth, rupture et dissentiment.’ And further, ‘Comme Solomon, roi d’Iméreth, ne cessait de faire des prisonniers dans l’Odich et dans le Letchkhoum, et de perséuter le dadian Grigol [of Mingrelia], celui-ci n’eut plus d’autre ressource que de se mettre sous la protection russe, et fit connaître ses intentions à Tzitzianof, que cette nouvelle combla de joie. Comme il désirait abattre le roi d’Iméreth et s’emparer de ce pays, il fit tout ce que voulait le dadian.’ See Brosset (1857: 278).
- 186.
Napoleon.
- 187.
Guillaume-Antoine Olivier (1756–1814). For his voyage see Olivier 1801–1807; Bernard (1997). As Watson (1866: 99) noted, ‘The object of this mission appears to have been twofold: in the first place, to ascertain whether or not a profitable interchange of commodities could be established between France and Persia; and in the second place, to endeavour to unite the Persians with the Ottoman Porte in a combination against Russia. Satisfactory replies were given on both points by the prime minister, but the difficulties which lay in the way of the establishment of a trade between Persia and France appeared to be too great to be overcome. Two treaties had at an anterior period been concluded between the two countries; but it did not seem worth while to the French negotiator to propose to renew them, nor to obtain protection as formerly for French establishments at Ispahan and Sheeraz and on the shores of the Persian Gulf.’
- 188.
Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahhab.
- 189.
After his conquest of Egypt, in August, 1798, Napoleon was known to have written to the Sharif of Mecca, the Imam of Muscat, the Sultan of Darfur and later the chief mullah of Damascus. See Dennis (1901: 191). The Porte, however, had declared a jihad against the French and Ghalib Sharif (1788–1813), at Mecca, was urged by other tribal chiefs in Arabia and north Africa to join it. He was, however, too disdainful of the Ottomans and too preoccupied with the Wahhabi threat to his own position to follow the call. See Abir (1971: 192–193).
- 190.
Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahhab.
- 191.
While this statement is vague, it probably relates inter alia to Wahhabi raids around Basra ‘and in 1801, the lamentable business at Kerbela…which spread a gloom over the Mahommedan world, ‘ referring to the Wahhabi capture of Kerbela. See Brydges (1834/2: 27). According to Longrigg (1925: 217), ‘On the evening of April 2 the alarm had spread in Karbala that Wahhabi forces were in sight… .The Wahhabis, judged to number some six thousand camelriders and four hundred horsemen, dismounted, pitched tents, and divided their forces into three parts. From the shelter of a khan they assaulted the nearest gate, and forced an easy entrance while the inhabitants, unled and panic-stricken, ran as terror directed. Forcing their way into the court of the shrine, the ferocious Purists began their task in the very Tomb. The rails, then the casings, then the huge mirrors of the shrine were torn down. Offerings of Pashas, Princes, and Kings of Persia, walls and roofing plated with gold, candlesticks, rich carpets and hangings, bricks of copper, doors studded with precious stones—all were seized and dragged forth. Within the Tomb nearly fifty persons were massacred, in the courtyard five hundred more. In the town the raiders murdered without restraint, looted every home, spared neither age nor sex from brutal ill treatment or captivity. The sum of the dead was computed by some at a thousand, by others at five times the number.’ As Rousseau (1809: 193–194) wrote, ‘Ce qui acheva de consolider leur renommée, ce fut le saccage horrible qu ils firent, en 1801, de Kerbela, autrement nommé Imam-hussein, ce lieu si vénéré par les Kezelbaches qui pleurent encore ses malheurs et sa profanation.’ For a vivid description of the massacre of the worshippers at the shrine of Imam Hoseyn and the pillage of its treasures, see also Corancez (1810: 27–28). For the Persian perspective see Busse (1972: 101–103).
- 192.
Carsten Niebuhr (1733–1815), German surveyor who undertook an important exploratory expedition in the service of the Danish king Frederik V.
- 193.
Niebuhr (1778) contains maps of southern Iraq (the Euphrates above and below Basra; the area north and south of Baghdad) but not of ‘Arabia and Persia’ as the writer complains.
- 194.
During the Ottoman-Safavid War Murad IV (r. 1623–1640) captured Baghdad. See Longrigg (1925: 69–72).
- 195.
This figure is probably much too high. As Olivier 1801/4: 324 noted when visiting Baghdad in April/May, 1796, ‘Les habitans de Bagdad font monter la population de leur ville à plus de cent mille ames; mais le cit. [citoyen] Rousseau, depuis long-tems commissaire des relations commerciales, un négociant italien, nommé Liony, établi depuis plus de quarante ans dans ces contrées, ainsi que le supérieur du couvent des Carmes [Joseph de Beauchamp], dont nous avons déjà parlé, ne l’évaluent qu’à quatre-vingt mille.’
- 196.
William Eton, long resident in Russia and Turkey, he was ‘British consul first in Russia and then in Turkey in the 1790s,’ who ‘favored Greek liberation under the auspices of Russia.’ See Speake (2003: 512). Cf. Eton (1798). As Ingram (1995: 37) noted of Eton, ‘Employed in his youth at Basra, …he knew as much about conditions in the Ottoman empire as anyone.’ In fact, he had served as Dutch consul at Basra. See Ingram (1984: 174, n. 15). According to Christie (1971: 391, n. 23), Eton ‘entered into a trading partnership at Constantinople in 1776, and was beginning to explore the possibilities of trade in the Black Sea lands…Samuel Bentham met him in St. Petersburg in 1780.’ Bentham told his brother that Eton ‘understands everything very well but can do nothing…a man of a great deal of learning, but very little of the knowledge of the world.’ Cf. Schiffer (1999: 371–372).
- 197.
- 198.
Good (1801: 521) stressed ‘the resemblance beteween Hafiz and Horace.’ Cf. Macaulay who called ‘Hafiz, the Horace of Persia’ in his review of Memoirs of the Life of Warren Hastings, first Governor-General of Bengal, published in 1841. See Montague (1903: 75, n. 1). According to McCarthy and McCarthy (1901: 352), Hastings ‘had a vision in his mind of a new scholarship, to be called into being by the generosity of the East India Company. He thought of Englishmen becoming…as intimate with the Ghazels of Hafiz as with the Odes of Horace.’ Cf. Sherlock Holmes’ concluding line in ‘A case of identity,’ ‘There is as much sense in Hafiz as in Horace, and as much knowledge in the world.’ See Conan Doyle (1891: 259).
- 199.
- 200.
The comparison between Anacreon and Hafez began with Sir William Jones who called ‘Hafiz, the Anacreon of Persia.’ Cf. John Nott (1751–1825) in his translation of select poems by the Persian poet, ‘In this ode, which is truly bacchanalian, and might alone entitle our poet to the appellation of the Anacreon of Persia, Hafez concludes each distich in the original by calling for wine.’. See Nott (1787: 8–9). Cf. Blake (1859: 549), ‘a celebrated poet, the Anacreon of Persia;’ and Beale (1881: 99), ‘From his frequent celebration of love and wine in his odes he has not improperly been denominated, by some Orientalists, the Anacreon of Persia.’
- 201.
Cf. the description by Ker Porter (1821/1: 686) who noted, ‘It is now diminished to a mere rivulet, still, however, retaining its singular transparency, and softness to the taste; but the Arcadian scenery which embanked it, is vanished away; nothing now distinguishes the spot, so often the them of Hafiz, but the name of the river, and the brilliancy of its wave.’
- 202.
As noted above (n. 200), this epithet was first applied to Hafez in Jones (1771: 45). It was used by several later writers, e.g. Nott (1787: 8–9); Hindley (1800: 39) (‘the polished Anacreon of Irán’); Kinneir (1813: 62) (‘the Anacreon of the East’); Malcolm (1814: 23); Malcolm (1815/1: 447); Blake (1859: 549) and Beale (1881: 99).
- 203.
John Haddon Hindley (1765–1827), published as Hindley (1800). Hindley was librarian of the Chetham Library in Manchester which possessed a number of Persian manuscripts. He dedicated it ‘to William Ouseley, Esquire, an able and zealous restorer of Oriental literature in Great Britain at the close of the Eighteenth Century.’
- 204.
Presumably William Hollingbery whose Journal of observations recounts his experiences in Malcolm’s mission. See Hollingbery (1814). Although the cited text in the article is not quoted verbatim from Hollingbery’s account, and the order of statements is different, it nevertheless seems to derive from his work.
- 205.
For his career see e.g. Earle and Villiers (1990). For his ‘Commentaries,’ in English translation see Birch (1875–1884).
- 206.
- 207.
After sketching a bit of the Portuguese history of Hormuz and its loss to Shah ‘Abbas, with English aid, Thevenot (1674: 266) observed, ‘presentement il n’en reste plus de marque, & il n’y a que la forteresse qui soit habitée.’
- 208.
The month given here is inccorect, since the delegation did not arrive anywhere on 14 March 1800. As noted above, Malcolm’s mission had left Bombay on 29 December 1799. The Bombay entered Muscat harbor on 8 January, 1800; was becalmed off of Qishm on 16 January; and reached Bušehr on 1 February. There Malcolm and his suite remained until 22 May when they prepared to depart, reaching Shiraz on 15 June. See Kaye (1856/1: 105, 109, 110, 116, 117). Rather, the date, according to 8.21 above, should be ‘14 January,’ where the Bombay arrived ‘after a quick and agreeable passage of two days.’
- 209.
- 210.
More precisely it was begun by Albuquerque on 24 October 1507, immediately after the Portuguese conquest of the island, and improved considerably in 1559/60. See Lizardo (2001) and particularly Campos (2011) for the construction history.
- 211.
‘The Seyyid Sultân rented el-Kishm [Qeshm], Hormûz, Bandar ‘Abbâs, and the sulphur mines of Khamir from the Shâh of Persia.’ See Markham (1874: 426).
- 212.
As Berghaus (1832: 47) noted, ‘Auf der Nordseite der Insel liegt das Fort.’
- 213.
From Tamil pēṭṭai, ‘The extramural suburb of a fortress, or the town attached and adjacent to a fortress.’ See Yule and Burnell (1903: 702).
- 214.
In 1662 John Nieuhoff visited Hormuz and described ‘a large plain, where the inhabitants used to have their cisterns together and keep rain-water in, which were always locked up; for not only hereabouts, but also all over the island the ground is brackish, which makes the rainwater which is kept in these cisterns much better than what is gathered from the pools or ponds.’ See Churchill (1744: 186). Cf. Stiffe (1874: 13) on the ‘fine large underground water cistern, with a groined roof, supported by rows of pillars,’ inside the Portuguese fort. For a photograph of this cistern see Kleiss (1978: Abb. 7). It measured 15.3 × 5.8 m., and was over 3 m. deep. Thus, it had a 265 m3 capacity. See Kleiss (1978: 172).
- 215.
- 216.
Salyan in the ‘The Delta of the Kur,’ (McNeill 1836: 14), between Lenkoran and Baku in what is today the Republic of Azerbaijan. Eichwald (1834: 423) wrote, ‘Den 7 März 1825 ritt ich nach Ssallian, um den Fischfang anzusehen, der so eben seinen Anfang genommen hatte.’ Further, according to Eichwald (1834: 400), ‘Von Fischen wurde aus Ssallian der Lachs (Salmo salar) und der Schamaï (Cyprinus chalcoides) gebracht.’
- 217.
The assertion that the Persians did not eat sturgeon is interesting, but not always true. Thus, e.g. while at Darband in 1475, Ambrogio Contarini noted that, ‘Sturgeon…are caught in’ the Caspian ‘in very great numbers.’ See Stanley (1873: 145). The anonymous Italian merchant who was in Iran from c. 1511–1520 noted that, at Tabriz, ‘To this place there are…brought many sturgeon, smaller than those of the Mediterranean, but still excellent. There is delicious caviar also, which, as well as the sturgeon, is brought from the Caspian Sea, nine days’ journey distant from this place.’ See Grey (1873: 171). Tavernier (1678: 146) noted that, ‘The Province of Media is well stor’d with Sturgeon from the mouth of the River Araxes .’
- 218.
Malte-Brun (1822: 60) wrote, ‘The Kur, after being augmented by the junction of one of its branches with the Aras, becomes navigable. The sturgeon fisheries at its mouth, near Sallian, bring in 20,000 rubles (or L.3000) to the khan of Kouba, who lets it out to the Russians.’
- 219.
While the figures are impossible to convert, 200 tons of caviar were cured in one month at Astrakhan in 1829 according to Monteith (1833: 19).
- 220.
By the nineteenth century most if not all of the sturgeon caught off the coast of Mazandaran was also destined for Russian consumption. Morier (1818: 376) noted that, at Astarabad, ‘On the coast they have a fishery, which is frequented by the Russians only, who pay to the Governor of Asterabad 100 tomauns annually for the liberty. Seven or eight small ships are employed in this fishery, which consists of sturgeon, from which they extract the caviar.’ Similarly, Fraser 1826: 74 mentioned ‘a small establishment formed for the purpose of catching sturgeon, and curing them for the Russian market,’ near Farahabad. Cf. Napier (1876: 93) who noted that, near Farahabad, in the estuary of the T river, was ‘one of the principal sturgeon fisheries on the coast, farmed with the other fisheries of the province to a Russian company for the annual sum of 68,000 tomans.’ Similarly, Markham (1874: 345–346) noted that, along the coast of Mazandaran, ‘Sturgeon and salmon, besides smaller fish, are caught in immense quantities.’
- 221.
Isinglass, derived from the bladders of the sturgeon, was used as a ‘clarifying or fining agent (for coffee, wines, and beer)’ but more importantly to manufacture gelatine. See Pereira (1857: 769).
- 222.
In a similar vein Fraser (1834: 344, n. *), wrote of the Caspian sturgeon, ‘The writer…has seen these fish lying in thousands upon the banks of the Suffeidrood [Sefid Rud] in Ghilan, having been caught by the Russian fishers merely for the caviare and isinglass; after extracting which, the carcasses were thrown away to rot, and tained the air to a great distance round.’
- 223.
As Jullien (1866: 485) noted, a grape variety ‘nommé haenapop…a été apporté de Schiras en Perse, et…produit un vin de liqueur [dessert wine] excellent.’ Cf. Estreicher (2014: 517). According to Thudichum and Dupré (1872: 718), ‘The Haenapop (has-no-pip) is easily recognized as the Persian vine, yielding the stoneless Sultana raisins; such raisins are…made in large quantities at the Cape.’
- 224.
This text was taken from Kolben (1731/2: 75–76).
- 225.
Ar. shamāl, lit. ‘north.’
- 226.
For the pearl trade on Bahrain at this time see Kelly (1968: 28–30). The year 1801 was not exactly peaceful in and around Bahrain for, as Miles (1919/2: 294) noted, ‘In 1801 the island of Al-Bahrain, which has ever been, on account of its rich pearl-fishery, the chief bone of contention for the peoples round the shores of the Persian Gulf, was again the object of Sultan’s [Seyyid Sultan bin Ahmed] ambition, and was invaded, this time successfully, by a grand naval expedition from Muscat, the Attoobees [‘Utub] being driven out and the island occupied by the Omani troops, and Saif bin Ali, who had already done good service on the Mekran coast, was appointed Governor and Commandant… .Nor did Al-Bahrain remain long in the possession of Muscat; a few months later it was retaken from Salim bin Sultan, then a boy of twelve, who had replaced Saif bin Ali, by the Attoobees, who succeeded in surprising the garrison.’
- 227.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 228.
While Fath ‘Ali Shah resided at Tehran, in the north, his son, Hoseyn ‘Ali Mirza, was governor in Fars at the time of Malcolm’s visit. See Busse (1972: 91–92).
- 229.
Tehran.
- 230.
- 231.
Sir William Ouseley (1771–1842), younger brother of Sir Gore Ouseley (for their relationship see M‘Cullagh [1906: 10–11]; Kelly [1910: 138]). As Conder (1830: 336), observed, Sir William Ouseley ‘explored the country with all the zeal of a learned and accomplished antiquary.’ As testimony to his keen collecting see, among his many publications of Persian and Arabic works in his own collection, the broader vademecum which he wrote on Persian manuscripts, Ouseley (1795). For his life and activities as a collector of manuscripts see Avery (2004). It has been said since the 1820s that Ouseley was born in Monmouthshire, Wales, e.g. Anonymous (1823e: 70); cf. Avery (2004). The authority of Richard J. Kelly, however, seems undeniable. He was ‘Assistant Legal Land Commissioner, and a gentleman well known in Limerick, where for many successive years he was our popular Assistant Revising Barrister. In this notice of the Ouseley family with which Mr. Kelly is so closely connected, and in which he draws upon some family papers we read much that connects the Ouseleys with Limerck and the city with the name.’ See Anonymous (1910).
- 232.
In fact Ouseley did not succeed in visiting Iran until 1810 when he served as his brother Gore Ouseley’s secretary on the latter’s mission as ambassador to the court of Fath ‘Ali Shah. See Avery (2004).
- 233.
That Ouseley was working on an important new map of Persia was widely known. For example, noting that Ouseley had pronounced a map by S.F.G. Wahl in his Altes und neues Vorder- und Mittel-Asien (Leipzig, 1795) ‘very excellent,’ von Zach (1801: 384–385) wrote, ‘Gewiß ist Sir William dieses am besten zu beurtheilen im Stander, der selbst im Orient gereist, und nun seit zwei Jahren mit Entwerfung einer großen Karte von Persien beschäftigt ist. Sie ist nach einem so großen Maßstabe gezeichnet, daß sie einen Raum von 6 Engl. Fuß in der Länge, und 5 Fuß in der Breite einnimmt. Sie wird viele hundert Namen von Städten, Flüssen, Bergen, Ruinen, Denkmälern, Brunnen, Rebats und Karavanserais enthalten, welche alle aus Original-Handschriften eingetragen worden, und noch in keiner andern Karte dieses Reichs vorgekommen sind. Allein alle Namen sind auf dieser Karte in Persischer Sprache, und mit Persischer Schrift geschrieben, weil sie zu einem Geschenke für den Monarchen von Persien bestimmt ist. Man hat Hoffnung, daß Sir William diese Karte mit Europäischen Lettern wird stechen, und vielleicht zur Herausgabe der von ihm versprochenen Persischen geographischen Handschrift Mesalek ú Memalek wird dienen lassen.’ Similarly, in a review of Arrowsmith’s Map of Asia, it was noted that, ‘the German critic [F.X. von Zach] is greatly deceived when he supposes that Mr. Arrowsmith derived any intelligence from the intended map by sir William Ouseley, as that learned gentleman never proceeded further in his design than the insertion of a dozen or two of names in Persia, the only country he endeavoured to delineate; and these names being written in Persian, Mr. Arrowsmith could not have read them if he even had had access, which he had not, to sir William Ouseley’s sketch, or rather shadow of an outline of a sketch.’ See Anonymous (1801b: 583).
- 234.
It is highly unlikely that this was one of Ouseley’s chief goals. The vast majority of the manuscripts which he collected in Iran were Persian. See Ouseley (1831). In addition, he obtained some books printed in Hebrew and Greek, as well as ‘a Hebrew phylactery, written on leather.’ See Ouseley (1831: iii, n. * and viii).
- 235.
Cf. 7.77.
- 236.
- 237.
Hastings (1788: Pl. 3).
- 238.
Timothy Dwight IV (1752–1817), professor of theology and eighth president of Yale College. For his life see Dwight (1874: 140–160).
- 239.
Arthur St. Clair (1737–1818). He was confirmed by the United States Senate as Governor of the North-western Territory, or ‘the Territory north-west of the Ohio.’ For his career see Smith (1882).
- 240.
A tributary of the Ohio River in Ohio which enters near Cincinnati. It is not navigable except for small craft like canoes. See Jones (1922: 260).
- 241.
Born in New Haven, Connecticut, Elijah Backus (1759–1811) attended Yale University before he ‘removed to the Northwest Territory, and was Receiver of public moneys. He was elected to the Senate, and was considered a good lawyer… .He is said to have owned the first printing press west of the mountains.’ See Backus (1889: 13). His diary of 1777, when he was a senior at Yale, was published as Larned (1895). In her introduction, Larned describes Backus as ‘a sober, pains-taking youth, duly interested in current events.’ See Larned (1895: 355). That the letter reprinted here was sent by Backus to Dwight is suggested by the fact that, while a student at Yale, Backus attended lectures ‘upon history’ by Dwight and ‘read the Elements of Criticism before Mr. Dwight.’ See Larned (1895: 357).
- 242.
Elijah Backus.
- 243.
Timothy Dwight IV.
- 244.
Yale.
- 245.
Noah Webster (1758–1843). In Ten Letters to Dr. Joseph Priestly, Webster wrote, ‘The truth seems to be that in the Eastern States, knowledge is more diffused among the laboring people than in any country on the globe. The learning of the people extends to a knowledge of their own tongue, of writing and arithmetic sufficient to keep their own simple accounts; they read not only the bible, and newspapers, but almost all read the best English authors, as the Spectator, Rambler, and the works of Watts, Doderidge and many others. If you can find any country in Europe where this is done, to the same extent, as in New-England, I am very ill informed. But in the higher branches of literature, our learning is superficial, to a shameful degree. Perhaps I ought to except the science of law, which being the road to political life, is probably as well understood as in Great Britain; and Ethics and political science have been greatly cultivated, since the American revolution… .But as to classical learning, History, civil and ecclesiastical, Mathematics, Astronomy, Chymistry, Botany and Natural History—excepting here and there a rare instance of a man who is eminent in some one of these branches,—we may be said to have no leaarning at all, or a mere smattering.—And what is more distressing to me, I see every where a disposition to decry the study of ancient and original authors, which I deem far superior to the moderns and from which the best modern writers have drawn the finest parts of their productions.’ See Webster (1800: 22).
- 246.
Silver coins equal to 1/32 of a rupee, bearing the name of the last but nominal Mughal emperor Shah Alam II, were issued by the Bengal Presidency (East India Company). The mint was established in 1758. See Johnston (1903: 73).
- 247.
‘C.’ is a misprint for ‘E,’ i.e. Elijah, as per 8.78 and Backus (1889).
- 248.
‘Les Persans pensaient que le platane (platanus orientalis L.) avait une vertu naturelle contre toute infection de l’air: ils croient que si Ispahan et autres villes de la Perse échappent à la contagion, elles en sont redevables aux fluides émanés de cete arbre, qu’on voit dans toutes les rues et jardins.’ See Tavares (1823: 35). More generally, on the plane tree (Platanus orientalis L.) in Iran, see Potts (2018b).
- 249.
This is an almost verbatim copy of the entry ‘Ispahan’ in Walker (1795) (unpaginated; s.v. ‘Ispahan’). Alternatively the second edition of 1798 could have been the source.
- 250.
Zayandarud.
- 251.
Cf. MacGregor (1871: 187), ‘It was formerly surrounded by a wall 24 miles in circumference, but this was destroyed by the Afghans and now scarce a vestige of it remains.’
- 252.
MacGregor (1871: 189), ‘The palaces of the King are enclosed in a fort of lofty walls, which may have a circumference of three miles.’
- 253.
Describing the situation in 1811, Ouseley (1823/3: 33) wrote, ‘The hundred and sixty-one masjeds…or mosques, comprehended within this city’s walls during the seventeenth century according to Chardin, are now reduced to sixty…and even of these…no more than forty are kept in a state of repair, the others having fallen to ruin.’
- 254.
Thus MacGregor (1871: 188) noted, ‘The bazaars are very extensive, and it is possible to walk under cover in them for 2 or 3 miles together.’
- 255.
Ouseley (1823/3: 34–35) noted, ‘Yet in another instance the recent calculation is considerably lower than Chardin’s; according to notes which he had collected the publick baths of Ispahán amounted in his time to two hundred and seventy three. Mírzá Ján, who resided there in 1811, informs us that the city contains about eighty baths… . Mírzá Sáleh at the same time, inquired their number, and says that they amount to about one hundred. My own questions on this subject produced very vague information, fluctuating between eighty and a hundred and twenty.’
- 256.
MacGregor (1871: 189), ‘The water-supply of Ispahān is excellent, coming, as it does, from numerous canals from the Zainderūd.’
- 257.
Cf. MacGregor (1871: 188), ‘The streets of Ispahān are narrow, dirty, and mean, and not less than one quarter of the city is in ruins.’
- 258.
- 259.
The well-known Armenian quarter of Isfahan.
- 260.
Olearius (1662: 302) wrote, ‘The Suburbs of Hasenabath is the ordinary habitation of the Tzurtzi, that is to say, the Georgians , who are also Christians, and most of them Merchants, and wealthy men…as well by reason of the Trade they drive within the Kingdom, as in all other places abroad.’ Kaempfer (1711: 167) referred to the Hassanabad gate (‘Pyli Hassenabad’). Cf. Chardin (1711/8): ‘Porte de Hassen abad.’ Ouseley (1823/3: 24) visited ‘the Bázár of Hassan Abád.’ Hasanabad was also the name of one of the city’s gates. See MacGregor (1871: 187).
- 261.
Between 1616 and 1625 ‘Gabr-abad’ was visited by Pietro Della Valle who noted ‘in dem vierten und letzten Winckel aber, gegen Hispahan, ligt Gabr-abàd, welches die Gauren bewohnen, und diese Heyden seyn.’ See Della Valle (1674/2: 22). Cf. Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa who visited in 1618 and noted that ‘il n’y eust gueres plus de dix ans, que le Roy de Perse [Shah ‘Abbas I] les eust contraints de quitter le lieu de leur naissance, pour venir demeurer auprés d’Ispahan.’ See Wicqfort (1667: 179). Olearius (1662: 302) wrote, ‘There is yet a noble part of the Suburbs towards the West-side of the Citie, named Kebrabath, deriving its name from a certain people called Kebber, that is to say, Infidels, from the Turkish word Kiaphir, which signifies a Renegat. I know not whether I may affirm they are Originally Persians, since they have nothing common with them but the Language.’ Similarly, Daulier Deslandes (1673: 51) noted, ‘Si vous voulez passer à un quart de lieuë de Julpha en tirant vers la montagne, vous verrez un beau village composé d’une longue ruë, il se nomme Guebrabad, c’est la demeure des Guebres ou Guavres, que l’on dit estre les anciens Perses qui adoroient le feu. Le Roy leur a donné ce lieu pour habiter; les ayans détruits en beaucoup d’autres endroits.’ Chardin (1711/8: 227) called it the ‘Bourg des Guebres, qui sont les Ignicoles, parce qu’ils y étoient tous ramassez.’ Further, Chardin (1711/8: 228–229) noted, ‘Ce fut Abas second qui fit bâtir ce magnifique Bourg, après en avoir transporté les Guebres, ou anciens Ignicoles, qui y demeuroient auparavant comme je l’ai dit, & lesquels il logea au bout du bourg de Julfa.’ Kaempfer (1711: 164) estimated the population at 500 families. According to Tavernier (1678: 157) ‘The Habitation of the Gaurs is only a large Village, the first Houses whereof are but a little way from the River.’ Otter (1748/2: 13) also visited the village, but noted ‘Dans tous les endroits de ce Royaume où j’ai passé, je n’ai trouvé que le seul village de Guebrabad auprès d’Ispahan, où il y eût des Guebres reconnus pour tel.’ By the time Ker Porter visited it was uninhabited. Discussing the remaining Zoroastrian population of Iran, he wrote, ‘The liberal spirit of Shah Abbas tolerated their existence at Ispahan; where, afterwards, the Afghan Mahmoud gave them a mart, and enlarged their suburb, still called Guebrabad: but, like that of the Armenian colony from Julpha, it is fallen to decay; nothing now inhabiting its ruined streets, but houseless dogs and the refuse of the people.’ See Ker Porter (1821/2: 46). Jackson (1906: 273) knew the reference in Olearius but could find no trace of the place. As he wrote, ‘During my short stay in Isfahan I found time to inquire whether there were any Zoroastrians engaged in business there, as I thought this would be probable in so large a place. It seemed the more likely also because there once was a suburb of Isfahan called Gabarabād, “Settlement of the Gabars,” to which the German traveller Olearius alluded, three centuriess ago, giving a picture likewise of the Tower of Silence (dakhmah) in the vicinity.’ The dakhmah of Isfahan still stands and thus the village of Gabarabad was presumably nearby. Menant (1914: 149) noted, ‘No trace of Gabrābād can now be found. Three hundred yards below the bridge of Julfa, and at about the same distance above the Pul-i-Khaj, the river is crossed by the Pul-i Jhubi, a brick bridge of fourteen arches…The suburb upon the southern bank at this spot was known as Gabristān because it was inhabited by the Zoroastrians; but the ground was cleared by ‘Abbas II., who transformed the place into a royal residence…which was named Sadat Ābād, or “Abode of Felicity,” where he kept his seraglio. The name alone has survived.’ Another ‘Gabarabad’ was located south of Kashan. See Conder (1826: 178); Curzon (1892/2: 16); d’Allemagne 1911: 24; and Weston 1921: 418 (map) and 463.
- 262.
Basra. The actual distance between Basra and Isfahan is over 440 mi. Cf. 6.117.
- 263.
Sir William Jones (1746–1794). For a contemporary appreciation of his achievements see Sir John Shore’s discourse of 22 May 1794, Shore (1795).
- 264.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
- 265.
It is not correct to say that ‘the English,’ i.e. Malcolm, failed to establish a minister for as he wrote in his journal, ‘On the political part of my mission I spoke with indifference, lest I should, by showing any anxiety, give an idea that the English would purchase the assistance of the Persian monarch. I told the Hadjee [Ibrahim ], that if the King his master saw his advantage in entering into political engagements on principles of prudence and equity, that such I was authorised by the Governor-General to contract; but that if he was averse to such a measure, I should neither persist in it, nor enter into further explanation.’ See Kaye (1856/1: 136, n. *). Similarly Kaye (1856/1: 135) observed, ‘he told Hadjee Ibrahim that it was necessary, to the cultivation of the friendship of the two states, that a Commercial Treaty advantageous to the interests of both should be concluded; but that, as to the Political Treaty, although prudence would seem to recommend it, there appeared no immediate necessity for it on the part of either.’ As Haji Ibrahim wanted both a political and a commercial treaty, one was signed but the political portion concerned principally Zaman Shah in Afghanistan, and the French, with no stipulation concerning the establishment of a British or EIC representative. As McNeil (1836: 58) noted, ‘this was a special mission; no British minister was left at the Court, and no attempt was made to preserve the influence that had been acquired.’
- 266.
Jones (1770).
- 267.
- 268.
Actually a town in Fars, attested as Nawbandajan/Nubandagan in the mediaeval geographical literature. ‘This place, when Iṣṭakhrî wrote, was larger than Kâzîrun, the climate was hot and the date palm grew here. Muḳaddasî speaks of its fine markets, of the gardens with their abundant water-supply, also of its mosque. In Saljuḳ times Nawbandajân had fallen to ruin, but in the 5th (11th) century the town was rebuilt by the celebrated Atabeg, the Amir Châûli.’ See Le Strange 1905: 264. Cf. Schwarz 1896–1935: 31. The ruins, which are today within the confines of Nurabad-e Mamasani and which the author visited on several occasions in 2003–2004, were described by de Bode (1843: 78) as ‘heaps of stones and hillocks scattered over the plain: an eloquent lesson on the instability of human things, but wasted on the desert.’
- 269.
A valley between Nawbandajan and Kurjan according to Ibn Khurdadbih, noted for its beauty. See Schwarz (1896–1935: 173). Baron de Bode (1843: 79) called it ‘Sha’b-beván (Tent-pole defile) and noted that it ‘is said by the Arabian and Persian poets to be one of the four terrestrial paradises.’
- 270.
A reference to the Iranian mythical cycle concerning the Kayanid king Kai Khosro (Cyrus) whose son Lohrasp, according to Mirkhvand, abandoned Istakhr and retired to Balkh. See Ouseley (1821/2: 393).
- 271.
Both Mirkhvand and his son Kandamir, who completed his seven volume world history after his death, were born in Herat. See Szuppe (2012).
- 272.
Merv Shahjan, ‘Merv the city of the king.’ For the epithet in Yaqut’s geographical dictionary see e.g. Barbier de Meynard (1861: 526).
- 273.
Shapur II (r. 309–379). Cf. Le Strange 1905: 383, ‘In modern Persian the name is pronounced Nîshâpûr, the Arab form being Naysâbûr, which is from the old Persian Nîv-Shahpuhr, meaning “the good (thing, deed, or place) of Shâpûr,” and the city is so called after the Sassanian king Shâpûr II, who had rebuilt it in the fourth century A.D., for Naysâbûr owed its foundation to Shâpûr I, son of Ardashîr Bâbgân.’
- 274.
As Le Strange (1905: 388) noted, Mashhad was the capital of Khorasan ‘and a few miles to the north of it may be seen the ruins of Ṭûs, the older city. Ṭûs, in the 4th (10th) century, was the second city of the Naysâbûr quarter of Khurâsân.’
- 275.
Destroyed by Timur, ‘the ruins still remain, covering a considerable area of ground.’ See Le Strange (1905: 335).
- 276.
Saffarid. For a history of the dynasty see Bosworth 1994.
- 277.
‘The highlands of the Ḳandahâr country, along the upper waters of the Helmund, were known as Zâbulistân.’ See Le Strange 1905: 334.
- 278.
‘Maywand in Zâbulistân, half-way between Girishk and Ḳandahâr…Yâḳût…writes of Maymand (or Mîmand) of Ghaznah.’ See Le Strange (1905: 425).
- 279.
Ghazna/h ‘became famous in history at the close of the 4th (beginning of the 11th) century as the capital of the great Maḥmûd of Ghaznah, who at one time was master both of India on the east and Baghdâd on the west.’ See Le Strange (1905: 348).
- 280.
To call Multan, in the Punjab (mod. Pakistan) a ‘province of Persia,’ is anachronistic and could only apply after Nader Shah’s conquest of the Mughal empire. Le Strange (1905: 331) reckoned ‘Al-Multân, the great city far up the affluent of the Indus called the Sindarûdh,’ as belonging to mediaeval India.
- 281.
A reference to the fact that ‘the water of the town was derived from two underground channels that had been dug in the 3rd (9th) century by ‘Amr and Ṭâhir, sons of Layth the Ṣaffârid.’ See Le Strange (1905: 301). Presumably two qanats are meant here.
- 282.
Briefly the capital of Kerman province after its takeover by the Saljuq Turks, Zarand was located a short distance to the northwest of Kerman. See Le Strange (1905: 305, 308).
- 283.
A reference to the fact that the original Hormuz, sometimes called Old Hormuz, was located on the mainland near mod. Minab, until it was abandoned in 1300 by Baha’-al-Din Ayaz and the population moved to the island of Jarun which became known as (New) Hormuz. Vosoughi (2009: 92–93).
- 284.
The confusion of Susa (Shush) with Shushtar was common in the eighteenth and early nineteenth century. See Potts (1999 [2002]: 30) with a review of the literature.
- 285.
- 286.
‘Iraq ‘Ajami, lit. ‘non-Arab Iraq,’ in which Ajam/‘Ajami particularly referred to Persians, also called al-Jibal, ‘the mountains,’ or, as Qazvini wrote in Persian, ‘Kuhistān.’ See Le Strange (1905: 185–186).
- 287.
Safavids.
- 288.
The Gelae of Strabo, Pliny, Cl. Ptolemy, located in the area southwest of the Caspian Sea, who gave their name to Gilan. For refs. See Forbiger (1844/2: 594).
- 289.
It is not clear what this date refers to. To say that the Arabs controlled Iran until the Tartars took it in 1428 ignores the Saljuqs, Mongols and Timurids. The Qara-qöyunlü inflicted a defeat on Temür’s son Shahrokh in 1428, capturing Sultaniyah (Potts 2014: 215 with refs.), but this is unlikely to be the event implied here.
- 290.
The Aq Qöyunlü and Qara Qöyunlü were both Türkmen tribes. See Potts (2014: 215–220).
- 291.
Levesque (1800: 243) wrote, ‘Le commerce de Perse procure à cette ville [Atrakhan] une nombreuse population; et l’on assure qu’elle ne mone pas à moins de soixante et dix mille hommes. Une assez grande partie est composée d’étrangers, Allemands, Français, Anglais, Italiens, Suédois, Arméniens, Géorgiens, Tatars de différentes nations, Grecs, Kalmouks et Indiens. Les plus riches maisons de commerce expédient des vaisseaux sur la mer Caspienne et sur le Volga. Plusieurs fabriques mettent en œuvre le coton et les soies de la Perse. On a transporté aux environs d’Astrakhan des vignes de Perse, qu’on enterre pendant l’hiver, et l’on y recueille de gros raisins d’un goût exquis.’ And further Levesque 1800: 321, ‘Dans la ville d’Astrakhan, sont établis des Tatars, des Juifs, des Indiens, des Tourkestaniens, des Arméniens, des Persans, tous faisant un grand commerce avec la Khive, la Boukharie et la Perse. Les principaux articles de ce commerce consistent en toile, cire, savon, fer, cuivre, plomb, or, argent, acier, mercure, couperose, cuirs de Russie.’
- 292.
According to Tooke (1800: 451), ‘The present Astrakhan Tartars are for the most part Nogayans. They are distinguished into town, village, and tent Tartars. The first dwell in Astrakhan.’
- 293.
The ‘foreign paper’ from which this was taken was probably the Journal de Paris under a dateline of Russia, Pétersbourg, 1 October, not Copenhagen. The French article was followed by one with a dateline of ‘Danemarck, Copenhague, 9 novembre,’ and this was probably the source of the incorrect date. This English translation contains an error in the number of silk manufactories in Astrakhan. ‘Pour juger de l’accroissement de notre commerce, il suffit de jeter les yeux sur les établissemens qui se sont faits à Astracan, seulement depuis le règne d’empereur Alexandre. En voici l’état: 24 manufactures de soies, 81 de coton, 5 de maroquin, 74 teintureries, 24 briqueries, 92 vignobles, 212 moulins. Astracan, située dans une île du Wolga, est une ville d’environ 70 mille ames de toutes nations, Allemands, Français, Tartares, Persans, Arméniens, Indiens & Russes. La ville renferme 2000 boutiques, 6 couvens, 57 églises, 27 mosquées & une maison de prières des Indoux. La plupart des maisons sont en bois. Aussi fut-elle brûlée presqu’en entier en 1767. Elle s’est relevéee de ses cendres.’ See Anonymous (1803b).
- 294.
This is patently a fictional account blending elements of fiction (Zirza) with fact (Paswan Oglu).
- 295.
Zirza features as a Christian beauty in Voltaire’s Candide (Voltaire 1764: 629–631) and as a French slave in the play Arlequin esclave à Bagdad (Vallier 1798).
- 296.
A Buddhist priest, normally in China or Japan. From Japanes bonzō via Portuguese bonzo. See Fennell (1892: 163).
- 297.
Osman Paswan Oğlu, pasha of Widdin (mod. Vidin) from 1798 to 1807. As Browne (1799: 419–420) wrote, ‘Originally Aga of that city, that is, chief of the Janizaries and commandant, he formed a powerful opposition to the Pasha…By numerous intrigues and disputes the latter was gradually deprived of his authority, and Paswan Oglo usurped his place…The Porte, following its usual policy of rewarding where it cannot punish, of decorating the head which it wishes to strike off, confirmed Paswan in the Pashalik.’
- 298.
Cowpox. See e.g. Anonymous (1802b).
- 299.
Jean de Carro (1770–1857), Swiss physician, mainly active in Vienna (1794–1826), credited with introducing innoculation in Europe. See Anonymous (1857b: 504).
- 300.
Dr. John Milne (1775–1841) was Carro’s correspondent in transmitting smallpox vaccine to India for the first time in 1802. In 1798 he was posted as EIC Surgeon to the Factory at Basra, where he remained until late 1803 or early 1804. See Smith (1871: 15–17). For his life, much of which was spent in Bombay, see Smith (1871) and Rodger (1893: 137–147). According to Colvill (1872: 68), ‘The Bombay Medical Board, writing on first August, 1801, says…that the Board has made several attempts teo get vaccine lymph to India but without success, and now recommends the trial by Constantinople, Baghdad, and Busreh, performing vaccination at those places so as to send fresh lymph from them. Sir Harford Jones, Resident, writing 18th April 1802, says the operation of vaccination has been successfully performed at Baghdad with some matter received from Dr. de Carro at Vienna on the 30th ultimo, and he sends fresh vaccine lymph express to Busreh [Basra] for conveyance to India… .The lymph arrives safely at Busreh April 25th, and on the fifth of May Dr. Milne sends fresh supplies by the “Alert” to Bushire, Muscat, and the Presidency. He again sends by four following vessels till September 1802, when the establishment of vaccination is publicly notified in the “Bombay Courier.”’ Cf. Bowers (1981: 22). On Milne’s activity in Iraq before leaving for Bombay, see Elgood (1951: 433–434).
- 301.
Surgeon Andrew Jukes vaccinated at Bushehr in 1804 and was in charge of the Residency there from December, 1808 to May, 1809. See Tuson (1979: 184). In a letter to de Carro written at Bušehr on 4 March 1805, Jukes said, ‘j’ai eu le plaisir de vous écrire une longue lettre de 6 février dans laquelle je vous faisois part du bonheur que j’avois eu de produire la vaccine à Bushire avec de virus que vous aviez eu la bonté de m’envoyer de Vienne; je ne dissimulois point ma vive espérance de réussir dans mes effots pour répandre le bienfait de la vaccination dans toute la Perse.’ See de Carro (1805: 83–84). As Sir Harford Jones noted in his memoir on his mission to Fath ‘Ali Shah, Lord Minto, the Governor-General of India, ‘appointed Surgeon Jukes, of the Bombay Establishment, to take charge of the British interests at Tæheran, until the arrival there of General Malcolm,’ i.e. the rival mission to Jones’ own. See Brydges (1834/1: 345). However, although Jukes was going to Tehran ‘to make explanations to the Shâh of Persia, and to represent our motives of action in the Gulf… he died on his way, of the plague, at Isfahân.’ See Markham (1874: 432) (Wright 1998: 166 gave cholera as the cause of death). His travelling companion, James Baillie Fraser was with him at the time and gave a full description of Jukes’ illness (Fraser 1825: 120–124). In fact Fraser ended up delivering ‘the dispatches intended for the Persian court…into the hands of Henry Willock, Esq., chargé d’affaires to His Britannic Majesty.’ See Fraser (1826: 1). Jukes is buried in the cemetery of the Armenian monastery of Surb Amenaprgich in Julfa, Isfahan. His epitaph reads, ‘Sacred to the Memory of Andrew Jukes, Esq., Political Agent in the Persian Gulph, who departed this life at Isphahan on the tenth November 1821, Aged 43 and lies interred here.’ See Kurdian (1939: 262). Jukes left his name at Persepolis in 1804 but did not die in that year, as stated by Simpson (2005: 10).
- 302.
In a letter of 27 March 1804 written at Vienna, de Carro (1804a: 123) noted, ‘Dr. Milne and Mr. Jukes write me from Bashire, on the 11th and 15th of January, that their first success has made the most powerful sensation in that town, which now carries on the greatest trade of any in the empire; and that the people flock to them to have their children vaccinated.’ For Milne’s extensive correspondence with de Carro see de Carro (1804b: 154–164). Jukes wrote to De Carro from Bandar-e Bushehr on 4 March 1805, ‘depuis mon retour de ma dernière mission en Perse je quittai mon appartement dans la factorerie anglaise, et pris un logement dans une maison américaine [arménienne?], pour être plus tranquille, et suivre mes études avec plus de liberté. Ce changement de demeure me procura un beaucoup plus grand nombre de visites; comme je n’étois plus dans un lieu public, les femmes venoient me consulter en grand nombre; et comme elles m’amenoient tourjours une quantité d’enfans, que je vaccinois, louin de les repousser, je les accueillois de mon mieux.’ See de Carro (1805: 84–85). Cf. Floor (2004: 39). Unfortunately, in Jukes’ next letter to de Carro of 26 May 1805, he explained that the Governor had visited him, indicating that he did not approve of the women of Bušehr visiting Jukes. ‘Il chercha à me faire croire que son unique intention en défendant aux femmes de venir me consulter, avoit été la crainte qu’elles ne m’incommodassent par leur indiscrète affluence…Mais, le mal étoit fait; car, quoique le Gouverneur m’eût fait quelques excuses, la crainte de lui déplaire continua à empêcher les femmes de venir chez moi…Cet état de choses a achevé de détruire la vaccine.’ See de Carro (1805: 88).
- 303.
- 304.
- 305.
Gustav IV Adolf (r. 1792–1809).
- 306.
In fact the first volume is entirely devoted to ancient Persian mythic history as represented in the Shahnameh, while the second treats the period from Alexander to the Islamic conquest.
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Potts, D.T. (2022). The Early Career of Fath ‘Ali Shah (1798–1804). In: Potts, D. (eds) Agreeable News from Persia. Universal- und kulturhistorische Studien. Studies in Universal and Cultural History. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-36032-0_8
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