Abstract
This chapter analyzes the Obama administration’s “surrogate warfare” in Syria and the pitfalls of its policy of recruiting PYD/YPG to fight against ISIS, the two new international actors of the post-Westphalian Middle East. Surrogate warfare aims to externalize the strategic, operational, and tactical burden of a foreign policy crisis to other states or non-state actors, which are directly affected by this crisis. In fact this is not a strategy uniquely applied to Syria but has long been a US tactic to achieve foreign policy targets through regional proxies including violent non-state actors (VNSAs). As this chapter points out, the Achilles’ heel of this strategy, however, is the potential of losing control over these VNSAs and the damage they might do to relations with traditional regional allies. This is exactly what happened in Obama’s Syria policy, which tried to remote control the crisis with relatively smaller costs and liaised with the VNSAs without considering regional sensitivities. This has been the main reason behind the recent tension with Turkey, which expects a greater US involvement in Syria and considers PYD/YPG to be as dangerous as ISIS due to PYD/YPG’s links with Ankara’s arch enemy PKK. This chapter first makes a comparative analysis of the main characteristics of “surrogate warfare” and then focuses on Syria as a case study, to highlight Washington’s efforts to externalize the burden of the Syrian crisis thereby damaging its relations with neighboring Turkey.
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Notes
- 1.
VNSAs are considered as a distinct form of non-state actors, resorting not only to random or opportunistic aggression but to collective violence as a tool to achieve certain goals. Their non-state character distinguishes them from police forces and military. “VNSAs, such as terrorist organizations, play an increasingly important role in the international security environment” (Bartolomei et al. 2004, p. 1). VNSAs are also known as armed non-state actors (ANSAs). The Geneva Call uses the concept of ANSAs to refer to “armed entities that are primarily motivated by political goals and operate outside effective state control. They include armed groups, de facto authorities, and non or partially internationally recognised states” (Geneva Call’s Report 2011, p. 9). Pointing out the link between fragile statehood and ANSAs, Schneckener underlines that ANSAs, ranging from rebels or guerrilla fighters to militias or paramilitaries, from clans chiefs and warlords to terrorists and criminals and from mercenaries and private security companies to marauders, may formally or informally be supported by state actors (Schneckener 2006, pp. 25–27).
- 2.
I would like to thank Dr. Andreas Krieg for his useful insights above, on how to distinguish surrogate warfare from the widely used concept of proxy warfare. (Information exchange through e-mail on 5 May 2017). Krieg’s and Jean Marc Rickli’s coming book, Surrogate Warfare—A Mode of War for the 21st Century will cover many interesting details on this war concept.
- 3.
For a chronology of the events during the US intervention in Nicaragua, see: “Timeline: Nicaragua”, https://web.stanford.edu/group/arts/nicaragua/discovery_eng/timeline/
- 4.
A public survey made in the USA on 14–19 November 2014 showed that 57% of Americans were against sending US ground troops to fight ISIS. Among those who favor to send ground troops, the Republicans were the majority, although both Democrats and Republicans perceived ISIS as a threat by 70–72%. In the same survey, it was also revealed that 43% of the Americans saw ISIS as an extension of Al-Qaida, while only 16% of them considered ISIS as a threat against vital US interests. The survey also points out that ISIS will return even if the US intervenes (56%) and that it is better not to fight Assad’s army to allow them to fight ISIS instead (60%). (Brookings Institute’s Survey on American Public Attitudes toward ISIS and Syria, 2015, January 8).
- 5.
Although it was designed to be a centrally commanded organization, FSA soon became decentralized, and this decreased the chance of its success against the regime forces. Lister claims that this might well be a result of the late and insufficient support of the USA (Lister 2016, pp. 3–6).
- 6.
Lawson gives the details of the gradually increasing rivalry between the main opposition groups in Syria, including the FSA and the PYD/YPG (Lawson 2017).
- 7.
Soon after returning from Washington, President Erdogan mentioned that Turkey was ready to retaliate if they faced any threat from the YPG at their border (Reuters 2017). In response to this, US Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis sent a letter to Ankara noting that the alliance with Turkey was permanent and strategic, while the cooperation with the YPG-dominated Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) was just tactical (Middle East Observer 2017).
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Sarı Ertem, H. (2018). Surrogate Warfare in Syria and the Pitfalls of Diverging US Attitudes Toward ISIS and PYD/YPG. In: Oktav, Ö., Parlar Dal, E., Kurşun, A. (eds) Violent Non-state Actors and the Syrian Civil War. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67528-2_7
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