Abstract
The book’s first chapter introduces the notion that multilingualism may be considered an imaginative articulation of the experience of modernity. Exploring this in connection with conflicting theories of modernity and varying definitions of modernism, it sets out the idea that multilingualism both embodies modernity’s multiplicity and runs counter to its unifying and homogenising tendencies. The chapter looks at a wide range of multilingual writing, principally narrative fiction‚ from the Spanish-speaking world, contextualising it in relation to various modes of the multilingual, before exploring in greater detail the confluence of multilingualism and modernity in the theme of barbarism, and examining the significance of this theme to the relationship between language and modernity in the Spanish-speaking world. The final section of the chapter explores some of the methodological challenges associated with studying literary multilingualism, taking a cross-sectional approach to the subject that frames the author-centred chapters that follow.
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Notes
- 1.
In a famous letter written in 1888 to the Nicaraguan poet and father of modernismo Rubén Darío, whose work was heavily influenced by French poetry, the Spanish novelist and critic Juan Valera distinguished between a purely lexical use of gallicisms and the poet’s own, more profound ‘galicismo de la mente’ [gallicism of the mind], which Darío himself later referred to as ‘galicismo mental’ [mental gallicism] (see López-Morillas 1944: 9).
- 2.
In Spain, the eighteenth century brought the creation of the Real Academia de la Lengua Española (the official body responsible for the preservation of the Spanish language) in 1713, and a decree to establish Castilian as the official language of education and public administration in 1768, to the detriment of other peninsular languages and their status in the public sphere. In their turn, the Catalan, Basque and Galician regionalist movements of the nineteenth century and beyond drew on the Romantic association between language, ethnicity and nationhood to reinforce their claims to cultural particularity.
- 3.
Bellos tells us that Columbus ‘wrote notes in the margins of his copy of Pliny in what we now recognize as an early form of Italian, but he used typically Portuguese place names—such as Cuba—to label his discoveries in the New World. He wrote his official correspondence in Castilian Spanish, but used Latin for the precious journal he kept of his voyages. He made a “secret” copy of the journal in Greek, however, and he also must have known enough Hebrew to use the Astronomical Tables of Abraham Zacuto […]. He must have been familiar with lingua franca—a “contact language” made of simplified Arabic syntax and a vocabulary mostly taken from Italian and Spanish, used by Mediterranean sailors and traders from the Middle Ages to the dawn of the nineteenth century […]. How many languages did Columbus know when he sailed the ocean in 1492? […] the answer would be somewhat arbitrary. It’s unlikely Columbus even conceptualized Italian, Castilian or Portuguese as distinct languages […]’ (2012, 8–9).
- 4.
There is some dispute over whether 1492 can be considered the date of Spain’s formation as a nation (see Blanco 2017), though the national significance of the combined events of that year is not in doubt. In particular, it ushered in an era defined by a concern with both religious and linguistic cohesion, and with the establishment of Castilian as a national and imperial language. Portuguese also entered a period of increasing expansion and codification after the fifteenth century; by way of contrast, the language of the north-western region between Spain and Portugal, Galicia, entered a period known as Os séculos oscuros [the Dark Centuries] , when Galician disappeared from written usage.
- 5.
Huidobro and Moro made an artistic choice in the 1920s to write in the language of the avant-garde (which for them was French), whereas for Semprún, Arrabal and Gómez Arcos it was a choice imposed on them, at least initially, by exile.
- 6.
Ní Dhomhnaill herself ‘allow[s] translations, indeed encourage[s] them, so long as the books involved have a dual-language format’ (2003, 89).
- 7.
In their classic study of European modernism, which excludes Spain, Malcolm Bradbury and James McFarlane situate the modernist period between 1890 and 1930. Richard Sheppard believes that by ‘broad consensus’ it can be situated between 1885 and 1935, though ‘some critics set its starting-date as early as 1870 (so as to include Nietzsche and Rimbaud), while others, notably North American critics, set its ending in the 1950s (so as to include the early novels of Vladimir Nabokov, the late poetry of William Carlos Williams, the abstract Expressionists, and work produced under the impact of émigré European modernists)’ (1993, 1–2).
- 8.
As Brett Nielson explains, the universal history of Enlightenment thought distinguished between primitivism, barbarism and civilisation as three stages of historical social development: primitive societies hunt and gather; barbaric societies have hierarchical institutions through which they dominate and subordinate; and civilised societies have civil institutions that guarantee, at least in principle, social justice and personal liberty. In this scheme barbarism belongs with primitivism to the extent that both are considered to be pre-modern, to precede civilisation, but it belongs with civilisation in that it operates through state institutions (1999, 79–80). The historical constitution of the Enlightenment scheme—the notion that primitivism, barbarism and civilisation succeed one another temporally—collapsed in the Western imagination ‘after Auschwitz’, as Adorno so memorably stated (1981, 34; 1973, 362–363); the traditional three-part dynamic of primitivism, barbarism and civilisation is therefore reformulated in modernity as spatial as well as temporal, the three terms co-existing rather than supplanting one another in neat temporal order.
- 9.
Adorno makes this argument in the context of fascism, Gilroy in the context of slavery. It might reasonably be argued that fascism was in fact an outgrowth of Romanticism, of an anti-intellectualism precisely in conflict with Enlightenment values. However, as Paul Williams explains, Gilroy argues of slavery that it ‘was a key influence on Enlightenment philosophy’: ‘Slavery needs to be understood at the centre of modernity because of the incorrect but “conventional” view of plantation slavery “as a premodern residue that disappears once it is revealed to be fundamentally incompatible with enlightened rationality and capitalist industrial production” […] Rather than belonging in a different world to “enlightened rationality,” slavery was a key influence on Enlightenment philosophy […] the figure of the slave or “the Negro” was a source of insight to modernity’s major thinkers, and their concepts of property rights, consciousness and art were often defined with reference to slavery or blackness’ (Williams 2013, 77, quoting Gilroy’s The Black Atlantic (1993)).
- 10.
As he wrote in 1914: ‘Todos mis lectores algo asiduos saben la importancia que concedo en la vida humana al lenguaje, sangre del espíritu—lo repetiré una vez más—y verdadero fundamento de la personalidad colectiva o nacional. […] Pueden los que se contentan con la explicación marxista del proceso histórico, con la llamada concepción materialista de la historia, imaginarse que la última base de todo fenómeno social y entre ellos el más terrible, el de la guerra, es el fenómeno económico. Yo seguiré creyendo que tal explicación apenas explica nada y que el hombre es más, mucho más, que un estómago. Antes que un estómago es un cerebro. Y el cerebro no come, el cerebro habla, se expresa. Y expresarse es dar la personalidad’ (1914, 530) [‘Anyone who reads me with any frequency will know that I attach great importance to language in human life, for language is, I repeat, the blood of the spirit and the true basis of collective or national character. […] Those who content themselves with the Marxist explanation of the historical process, with its so-called materialist conception of history, may imagine that the ultimate basis of any social phenomenon, including the worst of them, war, is economic in character. I will continue to believe that such an explanation explains almost nothing, and that man is more, much more, than just a stomach. More important than his stomach is his brain. And the brain does not eat, the brain speaks, expresses itself. And to express oneself is to have character’].
- 11.
According to Edwin Williamson, ‘A crude and tendentious view of Sarmiento’s essay has it that the author associated America with barbarism and civilization with Europe. But this is to misunderstand the issue.’ Though Sarmiento’s essay ‘provided a prophetic insight into the features of populist dictatorship that were to become endemic all over Latin America […] Barbarism was not a Latin American problem as such, but a perennial risk run by all human societies’ (2009, 290).
- 12.
By 1867, however, Sarmiento had not only toned down this rhetoric but was, in his own words, ‘fearful that the language of Cervantes would someday be lost in America’ (quoted in Velleman 2002, 18), while in 1905 Unamuno ‘called Sarmiento his favourite Spanish writer of the nineteenth century, one who was “more Spanish than the Spaniards,” despite—more precisely, because of—his attacks on Spain’ (Velleman 2002, 25–26).
- 13.
In Act I, sc. 2 of The Tempest Caliban tells Prospero: ‘You taught me language, and my profit on’t / Is I know how to curse. The red plague rid you / For learning me your language!’
- 14.
Azorín and Pérez de Ayala are Peninsular authors of the 1910 s and 1920 s, the former very heavily associated with noventayochismo. Both were members of the Real Academia Española.
- 15.
According to the Encyclopedia of Contemporary Latin American and Caribbean Cultures, ‘In Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador bilingual education programmes are in place and while there have been some advances in changing prejudices of both non-indigenous and indigenous sectors towards the native languages, there is still considerable work to be done in this area. The most difficult obstacles to be overcome are the funding of these programmes, and the conviction that Spanish is the language of prestige and economic advancement’ (Balderston et al. 2000, 71).
- 16.
A report published by the Instituto Cervantes in 2015 noted that the USA had 41 million native Spanish speakers in addition to 11.6 million bilinguals (with Spanish), mostly the children of immigrants. ‘This puts the US ahead of Colombia (48 million) and Spain (46 million) and second only to Mexico (121 million)’ (Burgen 2015, n.p.).
- 17.
Though the satirical point of this is clear and no doubt valid, in fact the demand to learn Spanish has been high in the USA since the nineteenth century; as James D. Fernández explains, US Hispanism developed as a result of commercial interest in postcolonial Latin America, for which the study of Peninsular Spanish literature was the acceptable cultural foil (2005, 50). Indeed the ‘attempt to create intellectual and cultural prestige for the study of Spanish and the Hispanic world’ became a core strategy in the development of Hispanism in the USA at the time of the First World War, when the learning of Spanish came to be considered a commercial necessity (54).
- 18.
The Moroccan writer Abdelfattah Kilito, quoting the eighth-century Islamic theologian al-Jahiz, writes that, ‘“when two languages meet on one tongue, each of them injures her companion” […] when they “meet on one tongue,” each [language] is simultaneously an aggressor and a victim’ (2008, 23). It is interesting to discover such metaphors for multilingualism cropping up in a variety of times and places.
- 19.
The memoirs of Eva Hoffman, Ariel Dorfman and Julien Green are well-known examples.
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Lonsdale, L. (2018). Multilingualism, ‘Poétique imprévisible de la modernité’. In: Multilingualism and Modernity. New Comparisons in World Literature. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67328-8_1
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