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Britain and the Russian Famine, 1891–1892

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British Humanitarian Activity in Russia, 1890-1923

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Abstract

In 1891, Britain offered aid to the victims of a famine in southern Russia. Chapter 3 analyses the British relief fund, led by the Society of Friends, in relation to contemporary views of famine, internationalism and the Anglo–Russian relationship. It argues that the famine fund must be understood as a product of liberal anti-tsarism, internationalism, and philanthropic practices. This is to contribute to our understandings of the humanitarian framing of natural disasters and economic problems, the effect this has on discourses of development and civilisation, charitable practices, and the way that humanitarianism is positioned as a social and political force.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Manchester Guardian, 9 August 1891, p. 5 and Manchester Guardian, 17 September 1891, p. 8.

  2. 2.

    On the role of expert knowledge in promoting knowledge of Russian issues in the following decades, see Michael Hughes, ‘Bernard Pares, Russian Studies and the Promotion of Anglo-Russian Friendship, 1907–1914,’ Slavonic and East European Review 78, no. 3 (2000); Michael Palmer, ‘The British Nexus and the Russian Liberals 1905–1917,’ Aberdeen University PhD thesis, 2002, cited in Alston, Russia’s Greatest Enemy?: Harold Williams and the Russian Revolutions.

  3. 3.

    For a summary of the role of expanding news networks in creating solidarity with foreigners, see Gary Jonathan Bass, Freedom’s Battle: The Origins of Humanitarian Intervention , 1st Vintage books ed. (New York: Vintage, 2009). c. 2. On the efforts of W.T. Stead and ‘a network of sympathetic journalists’ in mobilising humanitarian sentiment, see Rebecca Gill, Calculating Compassion: Humanity and Relief in War, Britain 1870–1914, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013), p. 76. Looking at the conditions for humanitarianism from the nineteenth century, Rodogno concludes that news media was and is a ‘necessary, but not sufficient, condition for intervention to take place.’ Davide Rodogno, Against Massacre (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 269. For more general considerations on the potential of moral imagination to bridge distance, see Carlo Ginzburg, ‘Killing a Chinese Mandarin: the Moral Implications of Distance,’ New Left Review, I/208, November–December 1994. Luc Boltanski, Distant Suffering: Morality, Media, and Politics, trans. Graham Burchell (Cambridge: Polity, 1999).

  4. 4.

    Joseph O. Baylen, ‘Dillon, Emile Joseph (1854–1933)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004); online edn, May 2008 (http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/32828, accessed 10 December 2011).

  5. 5.

    Narodnaya Volya, the People’s Will, was a radical political party which sought to reform Russia after the failure of the ‘going to the people’ movement by assassinating prominent figures in the autocracy , including Tsar Alexander II.

  6. 6.

    Malia, Russia Under Western Eyes: From the Bronze Horseman to the Lenin Mausoleum (London: Belknap Press, Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 194.

  7. 7.

    ‘I. - Imports and Consumption,’ Economist, Saturday, 14 November 1891, p. 13.

  8. 8.

    ‘Editorial Article 6—No Title,’ Manchester Guardian, 22 July 1891, p. 5.

  9. 9.

    Mette Ejrnæs, Karl Gunnar Persson, and Søren Rich, ‘Feeding the British: Convergence and Market Efficiency in the Nineteenth-Century Grain Trade,’ Economic History Review 68, no. Supplement 1 (2008), p. 146.

  10. 10.

    ‘The Economist Monthly Trade Supplement,’ Economist, 8 January 1892, p. 5.

  11. 11.

    ‘Editorial Article 6—No Title,’ Manchester Guardian, 22 July 1891, p. 5.

  12. 12.

    ‘Russia: Serious Frauds in the Wheat Trade,’ Manchester Guardian, 19 June 1891, 8; E.B. Lanin, ‘Russian Characteristics, Part I. Lying,’ Fortnightly Review, September 1889, pp. 410–432.

  13. 13.

    ‘The Scarcity in Russia: Prohibition of the Export of Grain,’ Manchester Guardian, 12 August 1891, p. 8.

  14. 14.

    ‘Foreign Telegrams,’ Manchester Guardian, 25 August 1891, p. 8.

  15. 15.

    ‘The Corn Trade,’ Economist, 22 August 1891, p. 1092.

  16. 16.

    E.B. Lanin, ‘Famine in Russia,’ Fortnightly Review 50: 299, November 1891, p. 639.

  17. 17.

    ‘Russian Famine ,’ Manchester Guardian, 15 December 1891, p. 8.

  18. 18.

    ‘The Russian Position,’ Financial Times, 3 February 1893, p. 2.

  19. 19.

    Poultney Bigelow, ‘Russia, War, and Famine ,’ Speaker, 28 November 1891, p. 640.

  20. 20.

    ‘What will he do with it?’, Punch, or the London Charivari, 10 October 1891, p. 177.

  21. 21.

    ‘The New Russian Loan,’ Financial Times, 6 October 1891, p. 2.

  22. 22.

    See for example, ‘The Russian Position,’ Financial Times, 3 February 1893, p. 2, which argued that Russia lied about the famine in order to influence her market position and that English and German investors sensibly sold most of their bonds.

  23. 23.

    ‘The Famine in Russia,’ Free Russia, September 1891, p. 6.

  24. 24.

    ‘Editorial Article 3—No Title,’ Manchester Guardian, 26 January 1892, 5. Echoing the liberal, economic pacific-ism of people like John Bright and Richard Cobden.

  25. 25.

    Vernon asserts that the New Journalism was responsible for making hunger into a humanitarian cause. James Vernon, Hunger: A Modern History (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007), pp. 18–39.

  26. 26.

    ‘Famine In Northern Russia. Vassily Vassilievitch,’ The Times, 14 November 1873, p. 4.

  27. 27.

    Lanin, E.B., ‘Famine In Russia,’ Fortnightly Review, November 1891, p. 637.

  28. 28.

    Bellows and Bellows, John Bellows : Letters and Memoir, p. 112.

  29. 29.

    ‘The Famine In Russia,’ Spectator, 14 November 1891, p. 666.

  30. 30.

    ‘Russia Under The Tzars,’ Athenaeum, 2 May 1885, p. 561.

  31. 31.

    Edward Arthur Brayley Hodgetts, In the Track of the Russian Famine : The Personal Narrative of Journey through the Famine Districts of Russia (London: T.F. Unwin, 1892), p. 185.

  32. 32.

    Howard Percy Kennard, The Russian Peasant (London: T. Werner Laurie, 1907), p. 227.

  33. 33.

    ‘Art. VII—The Weakness of Russia’, Westminster Review, July 1885, p. 135. The British consul similarly noted the potentially destabilising effects of Russia’s rural poverty. ‘Memorandum by Consul-General Mitchell on the Political Aspect of the Economic Condition of Russia [1888],’ in D.C.B. Lieven et al., British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print (Frederick, MD: University Publications of America, 1983), pp. 232–234.

  34. 34.

    ‘Through Famine -Stricken Russia: “Not a Government but an Asiatic Despotism.” Wholesale Terrorism and Spolia-Tion University Intelligence Election Intelligence,’ Manchester Guardian, 23 March 1892, p. 5.

  35. 35.

    E.B. Lanin, ‘Famine In Russia,’ Fortnightly Review, November 1891, p. 647.

  36. 36.

    W. Barnes-Steveni, ‘Through Famine -stricken Russia,’ Edinburgh Review, January 1893, p. 18.

  37. 37.

    David Moon, ‘Agriculture and the Environment on the Steppes in the Nineteenth Century,’ in Peopling the Russian Periphery: Borderland Colonization in Eurasian History, ed. Nicholas B. Breyfogle, Abby Schrader, and Willard Sunderland (London: Routledge, 2007), pp. 91–92.

  38. 38.

    David Ker, ‘Russia’s Two Teachers-Famine and War,’ Leisure Hour, May 1893, p. 492.

  39. 39.

    ‘Why Famine Will Last In Russia,’ Review of Reviews, August 1892, p. 149.

  40. 40.

    Mavor, An Economic History of Russia, p. 289.

  41. 41.

    Hodgetts, In the Track of the Russian Famine , p. 112.

  42. 42.

    W. Barnes Steveni, ‘Through Famine -stricken Russia,’ Edinburgh Review, January 1893, p. 5.

  43. 43.

    Sergius Stepniak, At the Dawn of a New Reign: A Study of Modern Russia (London: Chatto & Windus, 1905), p. 104.

  44. 44.

    James Y. Simms, Impact of the Russian Famine: New perspective (Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International, 1978). He argues that the opposition overestimated both the economic effect of the famine and the weaknesses of the government response.

  45. 45.

    E.B. Lanin, ‘Famine in Russia,’ Fortnightly Review, November 1891, p. 636.

  46. 46.

    M. Dolenga, ‘Famine and Bureaucracy in Russia,’ Albemarle, 5 May 1892, p. 176.

  47. 47.

    Hodgetts, In the Track of the Russian Famine , pp. 224–233.

  48. 48.

    Hodgetts, In the Track of the Russian Famine , p. 92.

  49. 49.

    ‘Editorial Article 6—No Title,’ Manchester Guardian, 22 July 1891, p. 5. They suggested allowing speculation, supplemented by some direct aid, as was done in India; ‘Francis William Fox , letter to Russian Famine Relief Committee,’ 12 January 1892, Box 323/3, Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, Library of the Society of Friends (LSF), London. While the Indian system was being held by as an example for Russia, famines were also being used by Indian and Irish nationalists to critique British imperial rule. Vernon, Hunger, p. 79.

  50. 50.

    S. Stepniak, ‘Editorial,’ Free Russia, July 1892.

  51. 51.

    S. Stepniak, ‘The Lessons of the Calamitous Year,’ Free Russia, July 1892, p. 4.

  52. 52.

    ‘Educated Russia’ (tsenzovoe obshchestvo) was a term used to define the segment of society separate from the peasantry and also the state. For debates about the role of civil society in Russia, see Laura Engelstein, Slavophile Empire: Imperial Russia’s Illiberal Path (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), pp. 78–98. Educated Russia may also approximate the Russian definition of the intelligentsia, which was ‘understood as applying to that part (the larger one) of the educated class, whose distinguishing characteristic was its aspiration to overcome the stagnation of the existing system of government and secure a change of regime’ Boris Elkin, ‘The Russian Intelligentsia on the Eve of Revolution,’ in The Russian Intelligentsia, ed. Richard Pipes (London: Colombia University Press, 1961), 32. That is to say, Stepniak meant to paint a broad picture, including not just radicals.

  53. 53.

    Figes, A People’s Tragedy: The Russian Revolution, 1891–1924 (London: Pimlico, 1997), pp. 157–162.

  54. 54.

    Hodgetts, In the Track of the Russian Famine , p. 21.

  55. 55.

    In the Track of the Russian Famine , pp. 5, 79.

  56. 56.

    ‘Can Russia Pay Her Way?’ Financial Times, 30 May 1892, p. 1.

  57. 57.

    Richard G. Robbins, Famine in Russian, 1891–1892: The Imperial Government Responds to a Crisis (London: Columbia University Press, 1975), p. 99.

  58. 58.

    Sir Philip Currie, Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, ‘Letter to Friends Famine Committee,’ 30 November 1891, Miscellaneous letters, Box 323/3, Russian Famine Committee, LSF.

  59. 59.

    ‘The Society of Friends and their Famine Fund,’ Free Russia, May 1892, p. 9.

  60. 60.

    Dr Kennard, ‘letter to EW Brooks,’ March 1907, Box 323/4, Folder 10, Relief of Famine in Russia Committee, LSF.

  61. 61.

    “The Impending Famine in European Russia,” Pamphlet, 8 January 1907, Box 323/4/Folder 4, Relief of Famine in Russia Committee, LSF.

  62. 62.

    “The Impending Famine in European Russia,” Pamphlet, 8 January 1907, Box 323/4/Folder 4, Relief of Famine in Russia Committee, LSF.

  63. 63.

    The Quaker body that considered humanitarian issues.

  64. 64.

    Meeting for Sufferings , 6 November 1891.

  65. 65.

    Edmund Wright Brooks, ‘Letter to I Sharp,’ 8/20.3.1892, Box 323/3. Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, LSF.

  66. 66.

    J.J. Stadling and W. Reason, In the Land of Tolstoy: Experiences of Famine and Misrule in Russia (London: J Clarke, 1897), p. 39.

  67. 67.

    ‘Correspondence,’ Free Russia, December 1891, p. 12.

  68. 68.

    Edmund Wright Brooks, ‘Letter to Famine Committee,’ 8 April–10 April 10, Box 323/3. Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, Correspondence, LSF.

  69. 69.

    ‘Appeals to Society of Friends and Public: Extracts from Fox and Brooks Letters,’ 15 January 1892, Box 323/3, Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, LSF.

  70. 70.

    ‘The rhetoric of feeling and empathy was crucial to [reporters’] claims to knowing.’ Vernon, Hunger, p. 28.

  71. 71.

    Laqueur, ‘Bodies, Details, and the Humanitarian Narrative ,’ p. 178.

  72. 72.

    ‘Through Famine -Stricken Russia: A Night Drive in the Snow. The Distress and Count Tolstoy’s Work,’ Manchester Guardian, 8 January 1892, p. 8.

  73. 73.

    Hodgetts, In the Track of the Russian Famine , p. 50.

  74. 74.

    ‘Letter from Gilbert Coleridge,’ The Times, 14 January 1892, p. 10.

  75. 75.

    W. Alexander, ‘Through Famine -Stricken Russia: Sufferings of the Peasantry Victims of the Famine the Society of Friends and the Famine ,’ Manchester Guardian, 26 January 1892, p. 8.

  76. 76.

    John P. McKay, Pioneers for Profit: Foreign Entrepreneurship and Russian Industrialization, 1885–1913 (Chicago, 1970), p. 110.

  77. 77.

    Francis William Fox , ‘letter to General Annekoff,’ 23 December/4 January 1891/1892, Box 323/3. Folder 10, Miscellaneous Letters from Russian Famine Committee, LSF; See also Herbert Jones, ‘letter to Isaac Sharp,’ 31 March/12 April 1892, Russian Famine Committee, LSF wherein the former thinks that the Committee should spend extra money on something ‘of a more permanent character like a school of agriculture’.

  78. 78.

    David Moon, ‘Agriculture and the Environment on the Steppes in the Nineteenth Century,’ p. 97.

  79. 79.

    Edward H. Milligan and Trust Sessions Book, Biographical Dictionary of British Quakers in Commerce and Industry 1775–1920 (York: Sessions Book Trust, 2007). Quaker Dictionary of Biography, LSF.

  80. 80.

    On the categorisation of the ‘forces of compassion’, and its relations to the forces of ‘production and destruction’, see Barnett’s discussion: Michael N. Barnett, Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011), pp. 22–32.

  81. 81.

    Gill, Calculating Compassion: Humanity and Relief in War, Britain 1870–1914.

  82. 82.

    Barnett, Empire of Humanity, p. 86. They were not trained in relief work and did not seek to create a permanent organisation.

  83. 83.

    Despite their active charity work and good reputation in that field, Quakers were sceptical of charity, believing that it had threatened to displace real religion. Consequently, until after the First World War, Quakers always took up humanitarian causes on an ad hoc basis and avoided standing committees, instead responding to the appeals of individual Quakers on particular issues.

  84. 84.

    William K. Sessions, They Chose the Star ([S.l.]: 1944); Rebecca Gill, ‘“The Rational Administration of Compassion”: The Origins of British Relief in War,’ Le Mouvement Social 227, no. 2 (2009). Quakers distinguished themselves from the Red Cross approach, feeling that it endorsed war.

  85. 85.

    While Evangelical Quakers favoured missionary work, and liberal Quakers sought to address the ‘Social Question’ more broadly, humanitarianism, with its links to free trade, internationalism and the promotion of peace, was somewhat amenable to both. Tracts were distributed in the Franco–Prussian War, but this was not a central part of the efforts, and did not feature in the Russian famine efforts of a less Evangelical Society twenty years later. The fact that liberal, Inner Light-centred Quakerism came to dominate after the 1890s combined with Quaker conscientious objectors’ relief and medical work in the First World War saw relief move decisively to the fore after 1920.

  86. 86.

    Richenda C. Scott, Quakers in Russia (London: Michael Joseph, 1964); Alston, Tolstoy and His Disciples: The History of a Radical International Movement.

  87. 87.

    Alex Tyrrell, ‘Sturge, Joseph (1793–1859)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2009 (http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/26746, accessed 16 November 2014).

  88. 88.

    For the Quakers ’ hopes of promoting peace through the Tsar see their discussion of the Russian-instigated Hague Peace Conference in 1898, ‘Editorial: The Tsar’s Peace Manifesto,’ The Friend, 7 October 1898.

  89. 89.

    Andrew Newby, ‘“Rather Peculiar Claims Upon Our Sympathies”: Britain and Famine in Finland, 1856–1868,’ in M. Corporaal, C. Cusack, L. Janssen, and R. van den Beuken, eds., Global Legacies of the Great Irish Famine : Transnational and Interdisciplinary Perspectives (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2014), pp. 61–80; Andrew G. Newby, ‘The Society of Friends and Famine Relief in Ireland and Finland, c. 1845–1857,’ in Patrick Fitzgerald, Christine Kinealy and Gerard Moran, eds., Irish Hunger and Migration: Myth, Memory and Memorialization (Connecticut: Quinnipiac University, 2015), pp. 107–120.

  90. 90.

    They perhaps did not reflect Quaker beliefs or practices as directly as Quaker ministry, or the Evangelical conception of missionary work, for example. H.E. Walker, ‘Conception of a ministry in the Quaker Movement and a survey of its development’ (Unpublished PhD., Edinburgh, 1952). Instead they reflected a broader Quaker mission, most strongly articulated at this time by liberal Quakers . Of course, what the Quaker mission should be was debated, as well as being influenced by outside developments such as the Red Cross.

  91. 91.

    Ilana Feldman, ‘The Humanitarian Circuit ,’ in Forces of Compassion: Humanitarianism Between Ethics and Politics, Erica Bornstein and Peter Redmond, eds. (Santa Fe, SAR: 2010), pp. 203–226.

  92. 92.

    Various pamphlets in ‘Miscellaneous letters,’ Box 232/3, Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, LSF; ‘The Famine in Russia: Public Meeting in Manchester,’ Manchester Guardian, 13 February 1892, p. 9.

  93. 93.

    Their fund totalled £37,262 15s 2d with contributions from 3800 individuals and groups, including £1000 from the English Famine Relief Committee. Barry Dackombe, ‘The Great Russian Famine of 1891–1892: E.W. Brooks and Friends’ Famine Relief ,’ Journal of the Friends Historical Society Vol. 58, no. 3 (1999), p. 295. The total raised by another English fund administered by Olga Novikova, a Russian expatriate, was about £1000. Simms, Impact of the Russian Famine , p. 58; To put this effort into context, the Russian government spent almost 150 million roubles (approximately 15 million pounds) on food and seed purchases and provided supplemental relief for 11 million people at one point: Robbins, Famine in Russia, pp. 168–169.

  94. 94.

    ‘Editorial Article 3—No Title,’ Manchester Guardian, 26 January 1892, p. 5.

  95. 95.

    ‘Interviews with the Delegates,’ The Friend, 22 January 1892, p. 54.

  96. 96.

    See ‘Miscellaneous Letters,’ Box 323/3, Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, LSF for detailed accounts of expenditure, often down to individual horses or consignments of oats.

  97. 97.

    ‘The Famine in Russia,’ Manchester Guardian, 5 September 1891, p. 5.

  98. 98.

    Edmund Wright Brooks, ‘letter to Famine Committee,’ 13/1.3.1892, Box 323/3, Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, LSF.

  99. 99.

    ‘Count Tolstoy’s Relief Fund,’ Free Russia, December 1891, p. 7.

  100. 100.

    ‘From the Famine -Stricken Districts,’ Free Russia, 1 March 1892, pp. 7–8.

  101. 101.

    For example, ‘Through Famine -Stricken Russia: A Night Drive in the Show the Distress and Count Tolstoy’s Work,’ Manchester Guardian, 8 January 1892, p. 8.

  102. 102.

    Christopher Hibbert, The Illustrated London News’ Social History of Victorian Britain (London: Angus and Robertson, 1975).

  103. 103.

    Sergius Stepniak, ‘Foreign Office Report on Russian Agriculture and the Failure of the Harvest in 1891,’ Free Russia, 1 November 1892, p. 5.

  104. 104.

    ‘THE FAMINE IN RUSSIA,’ Review of Reviews, June 1892, p. 577.

  105. 105.

    Casper Sylvest, British Liberal Internationalism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009).

  106. 106.

    ‘Editorial Article 3—No Title,’ Manchester Guardian, 26 January 1892, p. 5.

  107. 107.

    ‘London, Saturday, January 23, 1892.’ The Times, 23 January 1892, p. 9.

  108. 108.

    Duncan Bell, Reordering the World: Essays on Liberalism and Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press), p. 238, fn. 5.

  109. 109.

    Ibid., Bell, p. 239.

  110. 110.

    Quakers did have a tendency to talk in moral, rather than political, language and to send ‘memorials’ to political leaders. However, their work in British campaigns also had to use meetings, petitions , pamphlets, get scientific opinion, influence MPs, sponsor bills and so on. The national (and historical) scope offered by Russia was certainly somewhat different. Judith Walkowitz, Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 90–112.

  111. 111.

    They sought to distance themselves from what they saw as the pro-militaristic Red Cross relief . Gill, ‘“The Rational Administration of Compassion”: The Origins of British Relief in War.’

  112. 112.

    Elizabeth Allo Isichei, Victorian Quakers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Thomas C. Kennedy, British Quakerism , 1860–1920: The Transformation of a Religious Community (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). Brooks unsuccessfully stood as a Liberal for Essex South East, ‘The General Election. The Polls—Nominations,’ The Times, 7 July 1892, p. 6.

  113. 113.

    Edmund Wright Brooks, ‘letter to Committee,’ 22/2/1892, Box 323/3, Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, LSF.

  114. 114.

    Edmund Wright Brooks and Francis William Fox , ‘letter to Committee,’ 23.7.1891, Box 323/3, Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, LSF.

  115. 115.

    Adverts note that ‘there are eighteen to twenty of the govts which are stricken with famine , and that each of them is as large as England.’ ‘Appeals to Society of Friends and Public—Extracts from Fox and Brooks Letters,’ 15 January 1892, Box 323/3, Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, LSF.

  116. 116.

    Edmund Wright Brooks, ‘letter to Committee,’ 8.1.1892, Box 323/3, Folder 10, Russian Famine Committee, LSF.

  117. 117.

    Quakers were supportive, and constitutive, of nineteenth-century internationalism, from the Peace Society to John Bright’s efforts with Richard Cobden, to later peace conferences. Phillips, ‘Friendly Patriotism: British Quakerism and the Imperial Nation, 1890–1910.’ While some strands of internationalism and humanitarianism were couched in positivist terms, they nevertheless had significant crossover with religiously framed views, and many of the same goals and assumptions. On the strands of liberal internationalism , see Sylvest, British liberal internationalism , 1880–1930, c. 2. Following the First World War, however, the Quakers ’ pacifism (as opposed to pacificism) led them to an ambivalent relationship with the League of Nations and its basis in collective security, yet remained supportive of the core internationalist beliefs in free co-operation across borders, the rule of law and moral progress. Kennedy, British Quakerism ; Conference of All Friends.

  118. 118.

    Gilbert Coleridge, ‘The Russian Famine Fund,’ Free Russia, July 1892, p. 8.

  119. 119.

    Sergey Stepniak , ‘The Lessons of the Calamitous Year,’ Free Russia, July 1892, p. 3.

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Kelly, L. (2018). Britain and the Russian Famine, 1891–1892. In: British Humanitarian Activity in Russia, 1890-1923. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65190-3_3

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