Abstract
This chapter offers a synchronic look at the practices of syphilis mapping and at the spaces of its particular condensation. It briefly focuses on the tentative, if increasingly popular, medical mappings of syphilis incidence and links them to a transformation in preventive policies. Furthermore, it inspects the ways in which medical and other official discourses used syphilis to outline but also to police the (imaginary) British borders. It examines the extent to which the soldier, in his mobility, was regarded as dangerous to the stability of the country and the British Empire, and surveys the ways in which his movements were restricted. On the background of these practices of ordering, it also considers the isolationist politics of the state that targeted the civilian population of the late nineteenth century. It traces the spaces of syphilis inspection and treatment and attends to the dominant strategies of making them (in)visible.
Notes
- 1.
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
Howell sees the mechanisms of “identification, inspection and incarceration” as central to sexuality politics in Britain (2009: 3; original emphasis). While exemplary in this context, they should by no means be considered as the only practices belonging to the nineteenth-century attempts at mapping the spaces of syphilis prevalence.
- 5.
Until 1870s, syphilization was regarded as a viable preventive method in syphilis prophylaxis. It consisted in repetitive inoculation of syphilitic patients with syphilitic secretion as a way of ‘immunization’ against the disease. Commenting on the diseases of modernity, Richard von Krafft-Ebing famously regarded syphilization and civilization as the major factors behind racial degeneration, see Ellis 2004: 285–6.
- 6.
Preventive Hygiene: An account of the Brussels International Conferences 1899 and 1902 notes that, at the first International Conference on Prophylaxis of Syphilis and Venereal Diseases in Brussels (1899), Jonathan Hutchinson presented evidence that syphilis was “steadily diminishing” (qtd. in 1912: 17).
- 7.
See Chapter 2.
- 8.
- 9.
Peers, among others, points out how the colonialist construction of Indian landscapes aimed to highlight their disorderly nature in order to ensure a “healthy distance” between the native populations and the English troops (1999: 31).
- 10.
“Report of a Department Committee on the Prevalence of Venereal Disease among the British Troops in India,” 1897: 21, 31. House of Commons Parliamentary Papers. ProQuest. Web. 21 January 2012.
- 11.
For a summary of the debate on the interconnectedness of Englishness and the empire, see Hyam 2010: 15–17.
- 12.
Howell offers a graphic instantiation of one of such complex schemes of “bureaucratic geography of regulation” (2009: 39–41).
- 13.
For particular examples, see Howell 2009. For a relationship between home and colonial ordinances, see especially Howell 2009 and Levine 2003. Howell convincingly argues that the model of this dependence cannot be regarded as centrifugal since colonial acts not only often operated earlier than home acts but also since both were anchored in Britain’s military experience. For the mutual influence of British and Indian politics prior to the CD Ordinances in India, see Wald 2014.
- 14.
- 15.
- 16.
I interpret the map in keeping with Dyer’s rhetoric. On its own, its message, can, of course, change. It can be taken to stand for the inadequacy of reformative attempts or for the indifference of the local church to the state of the affairs.
- 17.
Phillips (2006) discusses the ‘diffusion’ and travel routes of information within the colonial/metropolitan context. He shows, among others, how travel narratives offered a tangible rhetorical instrument for the propagation of abolitionist ideologies. For further discussion of Dyer’s influence and for an account of repeal campaigns, see also Levine 2003: 95–6.
- 18.
Peter Padfield enumerates the qualities sought for in Victorian navy recruits (1981: 18–50). John Winton describes the revival of popular interest in the navy in the 1890s and shows to what extent the figure of a sailor, “The Handyman,” became a “national darling” and a potent selling brand (1977: 188), especially in tobacco and soap industries; for an overview, see especially 287–301. Importantly, the frequent association of the sailor with the soap industry positioned the former within the realm of civilizational progress, moral salubriousness and national health. For a discussion of soap advertising and its responsiveness to imperial policies, see McClintock 1995: 207–31.
- 19.
For further elaboration on these measures, see Levine 2003: 279–82.
- 20.
For a detailed description of Cardwell’s reforms, see Spiers 1992: 2–28.
- 21.
Letter of the Rev. J Clough, Retired Indian Chaplain, to Mr Maurice Gregory, 20 February 1899. Contagious Diseases Indian Cantonment Act and Rules. 1898. MS. British Library London.
- 22.
This same reference to rottenness resurfaces in the shanty “Pills of White Mercury,” in which not a soldier but a sailor pleads: “Now get you six fellow to carry my coffin/Six pretty fair maids to bear up my pall/And give each of them there a bunch of red roses/So when they pass by me they’ll not know the smell”; for a discussion of some imagery here, see Southworth 2005.
- 23.
She was also anxious about homosexuality in the army; for a discussion, see Burg 2007.
- 24.
“Medical Inspection of Soldiers, Punishment for Concealment of Venereal Disease,” Contagious Diseases and Italian Cantonment Act, 1897. TS. British Library, London.
- 25.
For the symbolic function of the railway in Kipling’s work and for its relation to the empire and to the author’s secular Calvinist work ethics, see Welz 2003: 345–61.
- 26.
Indeed, Kipling’s short story is a rare response to syphilis. Nowhere else in British literature of the time is the question of care provision as directly addressed as it is the case in this short story. For a discussion of Kipling’s interest in medicine, see Vora and Lyons 2005.
- 27.
The first general military hospitals in Britain date back to 1780s; prior to that, either small establishments or larger temporary military hospitals were erected near the frontline to cater for the needs of the wounded in times of war (Richardson and Goodall 1998: 87). Following the criticism of military hospital facilities, the Secretary of State for War, Lord Panmure, received a letter in which the urgency of erecting such facilities was expressed. The letter enumerated the drawbacks of Chatham Barracks: dilapidating buildings, insufficiency of space and lacking amenities, which made the wards of the hospital resemble a prison rather than a salubrious site of convalescence (Hoare 2001: 94).
- 28.
- 29.
The 1881 Tourist Guide to Hampshire, Including the Isle of Wright, which recommends a trip to the Gothic ruins of Netley Abbey, compliments the architecture of the hospital, which “is one of the finest buildings of the kind in Europe” (Bevan 1881: 68).
- 30.
Reports of unhealthy gases in the area and the hospital’s positioning below the site where Southampton’s sewage flowed into the estuary were regarded as inimical to the health of the patients. That the bricks used to build the edifice were made from clay removed for its fundaments led Hoare to conclude that “the building growing organically from its terrain […] seemed to invest its very fabric with the germs of the land, or its spiritual malaise” (2001: 99). Whether we grant credence to this belief or not, an unambiguous feeling of contradiction and fear accompanied its sublime (media) presence.
- 31.
Report of a Department Committee on the Prevalence of Venereal Disease among the British Troops in India. 1897: 10. House of Commons Parliamentary Papers. ProQuest. Web. 26 July 2016.
- 32.
Report of a Department Committee on the Prevalence of Venereal Disease among the British Troops in India. 1897: 10. House of Commons Parliamentary Papers. ProQuest. Web. 26 July 2016.
- 33.
- 34.
“Draft for Mr Brown, London Lock Hospital and Asylum.” 5th June 1886: [1]. MS. London Metropolitan Archives, London.
- 35.
“Draft for Mr Brown, London Lock Hospital and Asylum.” 5th June 1886: [1]. MS. London Metropolitan Archives, London.
- 36.
“Lock Hospital.” 6th March 1899: 1. Signature illegible. TS. London Metropolitan Archives. See also D. Williams (1995: 115).
- 37.
For examples, see also Walkowitz 1980: 221.
- 38.
Lock Hospital, County of Kildare. Map. National Archives, London.
- 39.
Aldershot Lock Hospital, General Plan. Map. National Archives, London.
- 40.
Colchester Lock Hospital. Plans. National Archives, London.
- 41.
In an examination before the Department Committee inquiring into Rules, Regulations, and Practice in Indian Cantonments, 1893, Andrew insisted that her description of the “high walls” of the prostitute quarters, the chaklas, was not intended to convey the idea of imprisonment and must simply be seen as an example description of existing facilities (qtd. in H. J. Wilson 1893: 21). There were many other sites, Andrew argues, which were not enclosed by high walls (21).
- 42.
The women, many of whom were mill girls, domestic servants, machinists, seamstresses or housewives, were put on a diet of milk, broth, beef, pea and rice soup and tea (Patterson 1882: 7, 9).
- 43.
The scant resistance vis-à-vis the lock regimen in the eighteenth century stemmed, Siena suggests, from the difficulties in getting access to the hospital. It was, however, much greater in other co-existing institutions such as the lock asylum (Siena 2004: 251). Also, patients continued to subvert the instituted borders and categorizations, often negotiating their diagnoses and seeking admission to clear wards 258, so that, as Siena makes clear, “[t]he poor were not without agency, and they tried in a variety of ways to negotiate the system with their dignity intact” (263). With their changing sick roles, however, which came along with the metamorphosis of the clinic, the patients “lost their voices”; this, on the other hand, often also had the positive effect of not having to state their crimes publicly (264).
- 44.
Blackwell, Elizabeth. Letter to the London Lock Hospital. 2 March 1886. MS. London Metropolitan Archives.
- 45.
Maddison, Arthur. Letter. 26 May 1886. MS. London Metropolitan Archives.
- 46.
Kinnaird, Arthur. Letter. February 1880. TS. London Metropolitan Archives.
- 47.
For the interpretation of glass-breaking as an act of social resistance see Armstrong 2008: 57–69.
- 48.
Certain authorities, like William Acton, believed that locks made their work insufficiently public and through their focus on co-existent institutions diminished the value of their own work, see Lowndes 1882: 4.
- 49.
In the minutes to “The 106th Anniversary Dinner of the Lock Hospital and Asylum,” March 4, 1854, Prince Albert is noted to have donated 50 pounds for the charity: a sum of little consequence it seems, especially in comparison with the 100 pounds offered by Kinnaird, Benjamin Bond and Samuel Worrall.
- 50.
See “The 106th Anniversary Dinner of the Lock Hospital and Asylum.” 1854. TS. Royal College of Surgeons, London. As an expression of gratitude and no doubt as a way of motivation, cases of success were reported to benefactors, see for example An Account of the Nature and Intention of the Lock Asylum, for the Reception of Penitent Female Patients when Discharged from the Lock Hospital 1829: 7–10.
- 51.
On this, see Lowndes 1882: 19.
- 52.
- 53.
The British History Online website offers some scant information about the premises of the lock hospital on 91 Dean Street. Demolished at the beginning of the twentieth century, it resembled the structure of the house No. 90. The windows were surrounded by arched openings, while the plain interior hosted a “Gothic-style stone screen in the hall, presumably erected by one of the previous occupants” (“91 Dean Street” n. pag.)
- 54.
Montifaire. “Male Lock Hospital.” 24 March 1899. TS. London Metropolitan Archives.
- 55.
Up until 1870s, syphilization as a preventive method was used across Europe and was applied over a period of a few years in the London Hospital. For details and for the reasons why the method lost its attractiveness, see Taithe 1998.
- 56.
The continuity of the reformative mission of lock facilities is clearly visible in “The New Year’s Appeal 1916,” issued by the London Lock Hospital, which summarizes this tendency by highlighting that “[a]t the London Lock Hospital the hygienist and the moralist have worked side by side for 170 years, both united in one great endeavour to heal those who are suffering from this dreadful scourge and to save those who are neglected and forsaken” (n. pag.).
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Pietrzak-Franger, M. (2017). Prophylaxis and Treatment: Geopolitics of Differentiation. In: Syphilis in Victorian Literature and Culture. Palgrave Studies in Literature, Science and Medicine. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49535-4_5
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