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Contested Universal R/rights: The New Family Code in Mali

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Negotiating Normativity

Abstract

The 1990s witnessed the transformation of women’s rights into universal women’s human rights. The dispute concerning the normativity of (universal) women’s rights in particular contexts, however, is still being had. The secular state of Mali, which has a long tradition of the parallel coexistence of religious and secular structures, is a case in point. For over 20 years, the country has been involved in the ongoing dispute over the amendments of the Family Code striving for the improvement of women’s status in society. These amendments have been deemed incompatible with the Qur’an. This case serves as a “negative” example for a dialogue that does not take place on common grounds and in which people are unable or unwilling to be self-reflexive. Moreover, it is a case in which contesting parties invoke and appropriate normative ideas about religion, secularism and human rights to strengthen their positions and monopolize their particular viewpoint as the only universally valid one.

Drawing on the documentary film “Family Code,” our contribution illustrates how different participants in this debate have appropriated particular (and often divergent) normative ideas in order to fortify their own positions, while discrediting others. We link this analysis with theoretical approaches that highlight how dialogue can be conducted on common grounds, drawing on broader feminist scholarship, since it was within transnational debates between ‘Southern’ and ‘Northern’ feminists that ideas on how to facilitate understanding despite deep differences have emerged. We, moreover, examine the relationship between secularism and religion by employing Islamic feminist approaches.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The idea of educating the opponents resonates with the standpoint of Malian civil servants that aim to persuade “docile” Malian citizens (Soares 2009: 418).

  2. 2.

    This does not imply that Islamic feminism is free of asymmetrical power relations, rather it is primarily concerned with reconciling religion with women’s rights.

  3. 3.

    Mohanty describes her idea of feminist solidarity, which, in using a cross-cultural lens, focuses on mutuality, common interests, (dis-)connections and a sensitivity towards differences: “In knowing differences and particularities, we can better see the connections and commonalities because no border or boundary is ever complete or rigidly determining. The challenge is to see how differences allow us to explain the connections and border crossings better and more accurately, how specifying difference allows us to theorize universal concerns more fully.” (Mohanty 2002: 505)

  4. 4.

    In a similar vein, Uta Ruppert states that the postulation “women’s rights are human rights” was conducive in consolidating transnational feminist politics. As a common denominator of women’s movements, the women’s rights approach was promising as a global approach which is simultaneously general and contextualized, valuing difference and the indivisibility of political, social and economic rights (Ruppert 2001). Hence, the macro-level of international politics could be linked with the micro-level of ‘everyday life,’ in spite of the continuing power asymmetries between ‘Southern’ and ‘Northern’ feminist activists as well as the adjustments to the ‘code of conduct’ of international forums (ibid., see also Antrobus 2004).

  5. 5.

    Like many other scholars, Ann Phillips deliberates on these issues and develops the idea of a “politics of presence” (2001: 13) that considers questions of political representation and participation in the formulation of principles and policies which have to be carried out in form of a dialogue with the full involvement of all relevant groups as far as possible.

  6. 6.

    This notion of ‘transversality’ was coined by Felix Guattari as a form of politics that involves the construction of a radical political group as a collectivity, “when there is a maximum communication among different levels and, above all, in different meanings” (Guattari 1984: 18).

  7. 7.

    There are long-standing controversies over women’s rights which, due to reasons of space, we cannot elaborate in greater detail at this point. It is, however, important to state that the relationship between feminism and women’s rights discourse has always been a delicate one. First and foremost this is due to the fact that women’s rights—as human rights in general—were never self-evident or ‘natural’ forms of expressing claims and demands and, as Inderpal Grewal puts it, are subject to a “regime of truth” (Grewal 2005 b: vii).

  8. 8.

    Yuval-Davis warns against this tendency and cautions that feminist rights approaches may run the risk of being coopted by “neoliberal economist discourse of distributing microcredit to women as their road to salvation” (Yuval-Davis 2006: 291).

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Correspondence to Lucia Artner .

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Artner, L., Maluleke, G. (2016). Contested Universal R/rights: The New Family Code in Mali. In: Dhawan, N., Fink, E., Leinius, J., Mageza-Barthel, R. (eds) Negotiating Normativity. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-30984-2_10

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