Building Knowledge to Narrow the Gender Divide: Data and Indicators for Women in STEM and International Benchmarking

Abstract

The intent of this chapter on data and indicators was originally envisioned to identify and inventory key data for measurement of women in STEM subjects of chemistry (and other chemical sciences), computer science and mathematics (and statistics); suggest useful indicators; and explore options for international benchmarking. Over the course of the writing of this book, more thought was given to the contribution of this chapter. As a consequence, the direction moved from an inventory type exercise to an examination of some of the challenges associated with data access, collection and development of timely and comparable information for women in STEM.

Appendices

Vignette 4.1 The Perception of Equality Between Males and Females in STEM Higher Education Opportunities Among Vietnamese Academics

• Margaret Petrochenkov &
• Phuong Thi Thanh Nguyen 

1. Vietnam Education Foundation, Arlington, VA, 22201, USA

   Margaret Petrochenkov

2. Vietnam Education Foundation, Hanoi, Vietnam

   Phuong Thi Thanh Nguyen

The Vietnam Education Foundation (VEF) administered an electronic survey to 745 Vietnamese students, instructors and administrators (236 females or 32% and 509 males or 68%) in selected STEM fields during May and June of 2013, followed by qualitative interviews in July 2013. The research was intended as a follow-up to reports sponsored by VEF and published in 2006 and 2007 (Van Alfen et al. 2007; Director et al. 2006). The new set of surveys and interviews sought to duplicate the questions and themes in the previous reports in order to document improvements in the situation in current higher education in Vietnam and to suggest ideas for further development. Most of the survey questions were parallel to the content of the first survey but VEF added questions dealing with the parity of opportunity for males and females in higher education.

At the request of the Ministry of Education and Training of Vietnam (MOET), VEF also added civil engineering, environmental sciences, and transport and communications to the fields already targeted in the first two reports (agriculture, computer science, physics and electrical engineering). Our respondents are not a random sample, since we surveyed and interviewed students and academics from the same Vietnamese institutions that participated in the first project and we included additional universities with an excellent reputation in Vietnam (no official ranking exists). We did not acquire the names or emails of all students, instructors or administrators in order to initiate a random sampling; the universities distributed the survey links to the departments under review, and we do not know to whom the links were sent in those departments. Nevertheless, face-to-face interviews allowed the site visitors to dig more deeply into important issues, including the situation of Vietnamese women in STEM fields.

In 2011–2012, there were more than 23.3 million students in Vietnam; 2,204,303 or 9% of these were in higher education, and of those, 1,092,433, or 50%, were female (MOET 2012). Faculty members in higher education numbered 84,109, and of those women made up 49% of the total. However, MOET’s statistics do not provide a further breakdown by field (MOET 2012). Although the government has had incentive policies in place, there are few faces of women at scientific conferences (Khanh 2012).

In VEF’s Fellowship Program for Vietnamese students to pursue graduate studies in the United States, women have earned 32% of the awards. Women were overrepresented in biological and biomedical sciences (69%), agriculture (59%) and environmental sciences (57%). Only 16% of the computer scientists, 17% of the physicists, 22% of the engineers and 23% of the mathematicians were female (VEF OMS 2013). In 2012, women in the United States earned less than 30% of the doctorates in physical sciences and engineering, so, in comparative terms, the VEF percentages are not as low as one might fear (NCSES 2012, p. 4).

In the pool of respondents from VEF’s online surveys, only 31% of the students, 41% of the instructors and 15% of the administrators were female. Although not a verifiable measure of Vietnamese women’s participation in academe in STEM fields, other available statistics confirm that there is a glass ceiling (Khanh 2012). From 2007 to 2012 only 26% of the Associate Professorships and only 11% of the Professorships were awarded to women (VWU 2012). This total includes all fields, so it is likely that, in STEM-based fields, the percentages are significantly smaller. In 2012 the number of female Principal Investigators in research projects in Vietnam stood at 20%. Even in STEM fields, women’s participation is on a par with that of men in fields of agriculture, forestry and aquaculture (51%), but remains at 33% in other fields of science and technology (GSD 2012, p. 25).

Ultimately, the Vietnamese STEM academics that we surveyed and interviewed overwhelmingly reported that males and females have equal opportunities at all levels—entering graduate school, getting financial support, becoming instructors, getting promotions to the Associate or Full Professor level and becoming administrators, at rates above 87% overall. Nevertheless, 11% of the female administrators did not think they have the same opportunity to receive scholarships or other funding to attend the university or to be promoted. Interestingly, 13% of the female instructors and 5% male instructors did not think that women have the same opportunity to be promoted to administrative positions, a significant difference in perception.

Despite this mostly homogenous sense of equal opportunity in higher education, there is a representational disparity, especially in STEM fields. However, in our interviews a few female undergraduate degree recipients in agriculture said that they found it harder to get a job (the men were employed immediately) because women are recruited for desk jobs and for positions that purportedly pay less. The women themselves stated that females are physically weaker and cannot travel to remote areas alone, nor can they work in the field, despite the large number of women seen in rice fields in Vietnam. Construction engineers insisted that women are too physically weak to work in construction, and particularly to work in the hot sun. One interviewee reported that job announcements in construction often restrict employment to men. Regionalism also impedes women’s ability to travel far from home due to the perception that they must tend to their important responsibilities at home. One female instructor complained that her work load was very heavy since she had to teach, work in the lab and complete all household responsibilities.⁵

More than 20 years ago, Nelly Stromquist noted that “women are guided and eventually choose themselves to move into fields that are sanctioned by society as being ‘proper’ for their gender” (Stromquist 1991, p. xi). Still now, the under-representation of women in fields of S&T appears to be perceived not as a problem in Vietnam, but rather as an accepted outcome of the culturally accepted “fact” that these fields are not really suitable for women (Nguyen, nd).

1.1 References

Director, Stephen W., Philip Doughty, Peter J. Gray, John E. Hopcroft, and Isaac F. Silvera. 2006. Observations on Undergraduate Education in Computer Science, Electrical Engineering, and Physics at Select Universities in Vietnam. Washington, DC: Vietnam Education Foundation.

General Statistics Department (GSD). Report on Vietnam’s Census of Workforce and Employment 2011 [Bao cao Dieu tra Lao dong va Viec lam Viet Nam Nam 2011]. 2012. Hanoi: Ministry of Planning and Investment.

Ministry of Education and Training (MOET). 2012. MOET Statistics 2012, http://www.moet.gov.vn/?page=11.10&view=4446 (accessed August 26, 2013).

National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics (NCSES). Doctorate Recipients from U.S. Universities: 2011. December 2012. NSF 13-301.

Nguyen, Mai Huynh. “Women and Science” in Dan Tri Online Newspaper, http://dantri.com.vn/khoa-hoc/phu-nu-va-khoa-hoc-657322.htm (accessed August 31, 2013).

Stromquist, Nelly P. 1991. Daring to be Different: The Choice of Nonconventional Fields of Study by International Women Students. IIE Research Report. New York: IIE.

Van Alfen, N., J. Scott Neal, H. Ray Angle, Andrew G. Gamble, Jaw-Kai Wang Hashimoto, Lynne McNamara, and Phuong Nguyen. 2007. Observations on the Current Status of Education in the Agricultural Sciences in Vietnam. Washington, DC: Vietnam Education Foundation.

Vietnam Education Foundation Online Management System (VEF OMS). Data on program as of August 28, 2013.

Vietnam Women’s Union (VWU) [Hoi Lien hiep Phu nu Viet Nam] cited by Dien Khanh “More Support for Female Scientists,” Nhan dan Cuoi tuan’s Newspaper, October 21, 2012, http://www.nhandan.com.vn/cuoituan/khoa-hoc-giao-duc/item/928902-.html (accessed August 30, 2013).

Vignette 4.2 Women in Science: The Case of Singapore

• Yu Meng 

1. The Public Policy & Global Affairs Program, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Nanyang Technological University, HSS-05-16, 14 Nanyang Drive, Singapore, 637332, Singapore

   Yu Meng

Singapore was founded as a trading port under British colonial rule in the early 19th century. In 1965, it gained independence after a short merger with the Malaysian Federation. Regardless of being an island state with no natural resources, Singapore has gained remarkable economic growth. In less than a half century, it was classified as a high-income country by the World Bank. Singapore’s success is mainly attributed to the government’s strategies of building and enhancing national technological and industrial capabilities (Huff 1995; Wong 2001). While human resources are the only resources the state has to carry out its strategies for the developmental goal, rare research has assessed the status of females in its science and technology (S&T) area, let alone their contributions⁶ . To partially address this gap, this essay provides a snapshot about women’s participation and status in S&T, which is framed in the more general cultural and societal conditions in Singapore.

Despite its highly sophisticated industrial economy and highly rated education system, Singapore is a traditionally patriarchal society where women are expected to fulfil their roles as homemakers and caregivers, especially after the national fertility rate fell below the reproduction level in the 1980s (Chua 2011; Tan 2003). While this suggests strong gendered stereotypes exist against women’s pursuit for independence and professional advancement, the Singapore government has taken a number of steps⁷ to promote women’s participation in education and workforce to resolve the pressure from tightened labour force (Chua 2011), which may undermine the influence of those stereotypes. How these two forces interactively affect women’s participation in the education and workforce in general, and the S&T area in particular? The following paragraphs draw on statistical data to provide some response.

In general, women perform quite well in education in Singapore. By 2011, the literacy rate for females and males was 94.4% and 98.6%, respectively; indicating much progress from that in 1965 (42.6% among women and 76.4% among men)⁸. The average length of schooling for women is 9.9 years, lagging behind men (10.9 years) by only 1 year. With respect to performance in science, an international benchmarking study, Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), reveals that Singaporean students at the primary and secondary levels stand out in the science and mathematics tests⁹. Unfortunately, the results are not disaggregated by gender and thus no inference can be made on female students’ participation and achievements in science and mathematics at these levels.

At the tertiary level, according to the most recent data on full-time intake in polytechnics¹⁰, female students account for around 48%, rising from 9.5% in 1970. In universities, overall female students have outnumbered their male peers in terms of enrolment since 1980 and graduation since 1990. However, they are still under-represented in computer science and engineering. Surprisingly, the data show there are more female than male university students and graduates in the natural, physical, chemical and mathematical sciences (Ministry of Education 2012). While more detailed information on gender contrasts in specific fields is unavailable at this point, I postulate that this is a consequence of Singapore’s prioritizing biotechnology and biomedical sciences (Wong 2007) and women’s preference for the bio-related fields (Ding et al. 2006; Sonnert and Holton 1995; Whittington and Smith-Doerr 2005). Nevertheless, the postulation needs verification with more specified data.

In contrast to that in education, women’s progress has been slow in the general labour market and the S&T profession. According to the Ministry of Manpower (2012), among Singaporeans, female labour force participation (LFP) rate was 57.7% in 2011, substantially below that for men (76%). The situation is even worse considering that about 14% of the employed women (versus only 6.5% among employed men) are part-time employees, and their concentration in the lower level occupations (e.g. about 22.5% of them hired in the clerical support positions). As regards S&T profession, the absolute number of female researchers¹¹ doubled in the last decade from 5,517 in 2002 to 11,103 in 2011 and the share of Ph.D. earners increased steady from 10.8 to 15.7%. However, the male researchers also expanded very fast in the same period, which keeps the male to female ratio quite stable (2.9 in 2002 and 2.42 in 2011). When researchers are disaggregated by subgroups according to the educational qualification, the gender gap is biggest among those who hold doctoral degrees and smallest among the postgraduate students as Fig. 4.1 shows. A noticeable change in the figure is the narrowing gap among researchers with doctoral degrees. Again, gender-disaggregated occupational information is not available, preventing the analysis of gender disparities in various occupational positions. But the revealed gaps on educational qualification implies that female researchers are most likely to be present in lower level occupational positions and encounter more difficulties in promotion.

Women are not receiving as much remuneration as men, which is indicated in the official salary report (Ministry of Manpower 2011). As of June 2011, the median gross monthly income is S$3,099 for full-time employed women and S$750 for part-time employed women, compared to S$3,441 and S$830 respectively for men. Similarly, the salary gap between genders exists among S&T profession. For instance, on the selected S&T occupations shown in Table 4.4, women earned about 70–98% of their male counterparts in terms of median monthly gross wage in mid-2011.

Table 4.4 Median monthly gross wages of selected R&D professional occupations, June 2011

In brief, women’s status in S&T education and work force is less than desirable. Yet insufficient attention has been devoted to this inequality issue. The lack of systematical gender-sensitive data at different educational levels and the workforce regarding women’s participation and performance in S&T fields prohibits comprehensive analysis and monitoring of this issue. While the deficiency seems conflicting with the state’s developmental goal, it reflects the cultural expectations for women in Singapore.

2.1 References

Chua, M.Y. Women, Work and Choice Making in Singapore. Master, Singapore: National University of Singapore, 2011.

Ding, W.W., F. Murray, and T.E. Stuart. 2006. Gender Differences in Patenting in the Academic Life Science. Science 313: 665–667.

Huff, W.G. 1995. The Developmental State, Government, and Singapore’s Economic Development since 1960. World Development 23(8): 1421–1438.

Ministry of Education. 2012. Education Statistics Digest. Singapore.

Ministry of Manpower. (2011). Reports on Wages in Singapore. Singapore.

_____. 2012. Report on Labour Force in Singapore. Singapore.

Sonnert, G., and G. Holton. 1995. Who Succeeds in Science? The Gender Dimension. New Brunswick: New Rutgers University Press.

Tan, K.P. 2003. Sexing up Singapore. International Journal of Cultural Studies 6(4): 403–423.

Whittington, K.B., and L. Smith-Doerr. 2005. Gender and Commercial Science: Women’s Patenting in the Life Sciences. Journal of Technology Transfer 30: 355–370.

Wong, P.K. 2001. The Role of the State in Singapore’s Economic Development. In Industrial Policy, Innovation and Economic Growth: The Experience of Japan and the East Asian NIEs, ed. P.K. Wong and C.Y. Ng. Singapore: Singapore University Press.

_____. 2007. Commercializing Biomedical Science in a Rapidly Changing “Triple-Helix” Nexus: The Experience of the National University of Singapore. Journal of Technology Transfer 32: 367–395.

Vignette 4.3 Pakistani Women Scientists: Promises and Constraints

• Jamil Afaqi 

1. 259-A, Govt. Officers Residences—V (GOR-V), Faisal Town, Lahore, Pakistan

   Jamil Afaqi

“Would you tell me, please, which way I ought to go from here?”

“That depends a good deal on where you want to get to.” said the Cat.

“I don’t much care where –” said Alice.

“Then it doesn’t matter which way you go,” said the Cat.

—from Alice in Wonderland

Lahore, Pakistan’s second most populous metropolitan area and famous for its historical buildings set in the traditions of Mughal and Gothic architectural styles, has recently added to its architecture an elegant multi-levelled structure whose stylish dark grey exterior attracts the attention of onlookers, particularly tourists. The building houses Arfa Software Technology Park (ASTP), named after Arfa Karim, the computer prodigy who had the distinction of being the youngest Microsoft Certified Professional in 2004, at the age of nine. She later died of cardiac arrest and the resultant brain damage in 2011 at the age of 16 (PITB 2013). This was almost the same period when another very young Pakistani girl, Malala Yousefzai, living up north in the war-torn region of Swat, was writing and speaking in favour of women’s right to education, an “offense” for which she would soon get a bullet in her head from those she dared to challenge (CNN 2013).

Together, Arfa Karim and Malala Yousefzai stand as emphatic reminders of the resilience of that segment of Pakistani society called woman—constituting 48.5% of its total population, out of which 22% over the age of ten now work outside the home (PCST 2013). Flocks of young women can be seen entering the corridors of professional colleges and universities every morning, some wearing head covers, others clad in traditional chaaders and burqas covering their entire bodies, and still others wearing jeans and T-shirts. According to Mariam Sultana, the first Pakistani women to get a Ph.D. in Astrophysics, “in the University of Karachi, almost 70% of enrolled students are female and [only] 30% are male. In this kind of a situation, being a female always brings a positive edge”.

However, statistics depicting the larger picture of Pakistani society present a more sombre image. According to the Science and Technology Data Book developed by Pakistan Council for Science and Technology in 2009, women lag behind men in almost all fields of science by a wide margin. In the premier national research and development laboratories managed by the Pakistan Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (PCSIR), only 30% of the researchers are female (PCSIR 2013). Indicators related to the impact of research also do not paint a very encouraging picture. The cumulative Impact Factor for female researchers for the period 2004–2010 is 11.14 and the Citation Index for female researchers for the same period is just 10.03 (PCST 2013).

Casting a wider glance on women’s presence on the landscape of Pakistani science and technology, they are found particularly marginalized in the fields of engineering (13%) and in agriculture sciences where they constitute a meagre 9% of the total research force. The proportional presence of women is comparatively healthier in the fields of natural sciences (33%) and in medical sciences (36%). Among the total Ph.D.s in the fields of science and technology, just 16% are women, while those holding the post of professor in the institutions of higher education are a bare 15%. Another interesting trend, however, holds our attention when we examine the proportion of women among lecturers, which is 40% (PCST 2009). This big climb in the numbers of young female lecturers assumes greater significance when we take into account the fact that most of the institutions of higher learning in the fields of science and technology in Pakistan are co-educational with a majority of male enrolment.

The patterns of female presence in the field of science in Pakistan cannot be analysed without taking into account the overall structure of Pakistani society and the place of women in it. Despite a pronounced trend toward urbanization, Pakistan is still predominantly a traditional culture with a social structure based on strong patriarchal values. The ultimate goal of every young woman in such a society is often to get married and have a family. Her educational priorities, in such a case, are guided by the twin aims of gaining knowledge (in order to be a good partner and an able mother), as well as for acquiring a qualification which may enable her to adopt a career that is less demanding in terms of time and can be pursued side-by-side with household work. Hence teaching, medicine, and laboratory research are preferable to more arduous on-the-ground pursuits of an engineer or an agricultural scientist. The motive to get a job is not so much to be economically independent as it is to contribute toward the better future of one’s children. As one study points out, women “spend 97% of their income and savings on their families, more than twice as much as men who spend 40% on their families” (PCST 2013)

Caught between the aspirations for personal development through education on the one hand, and ultimate realization of that development in the ideal of a happy and economically prosperous family life on the other, the Pakistani woman scientist has assumed a double responsibility with a disproportionate burden of work on her shoulders. In the long run, how the Pakistani society corrects this imbalance and creates more incentives for women to invest their talent in conducting science will determine, in large part, the future of science in Pakistan, the sixth most populous country of the world.

3.1 References

CNN, http://www.cnn.com/2013/07/17/world/asia/pakistan-taliban-malala (accessed August 18, 2013).

Notes of Life, Economic Survey of Pakistan—2012–13, http://www.aamirilyas.com/economic-survey-of-pakistan-2012-13-pdf/ (accessed July 25, 2013).

Pakistan Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, http://www.pcsir.gov.pk/ (accessed August 20, 2013).

Pakistan Council for Science and Technology. 2009. Science and Technology Data Book 2009, http://www.pcst.org.pk/wst/wst_wsci.php (accessed August 10, 2013).

Punjab Information Technology Board, http://www.pitb.gov.pk/ (accessed August 20, 2013).

Qadeer, M. 2006. Pakistan: Social and Cultural Transformations in a Muslim Nation. New York: Routledge.

Science Blogs. 2012. The First Pakistani Woman PhD in Astrophysics: Exclusive Interview with Maryam Sultana, http://scienceblogs.com/startswithabang/2012/10/04/the-first-pakistani-woman-phd-in-astrophysics-exclusive-interview-with-mariam-sultana/ (accessed August 12, 2013).