Abstract
The paper explores several of the ways in which economic elites can threaten the implementation of the democratic ideal through the disproportionate power they are often permitted to exercise in the political domain. They can lend their support to efforts to restrict the franchise (for example, by pruning voting lists under cover of a drive to prevent electoral fraud). They can bankroll the campaigns of candidates for electoral office in ways that undermine their ability to make independent political decisions. They can pay lobbyists to do their bidding in the corridors of power, by prevailing upon legislators to protect their private interests at the expense of the public interest. And they can use the clout they have with influential members of the political class to maintain features of the electoral system that generally shield them from the effective mobilization of anti-elitist political sentiment: for example, they can throw their weight behind the practice of gerrymandering in the drawing of electoral district boundaries, and they can help to fend off periodic demands for reform of the electoral system through abandonment of “first-past-the-post” rules for victory in electoral contests.
The first third of your campaign is money, money, money; the second third is money, money, and press; and the last third is votes, press, and money. (Rahm Emmanuel quoted in Overby and James 2012)
We can have democracy in this country, or we can have great wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we cannot have both. (Louis Brandeis 1941)
… (W)hen inequalities in political influence become too large, democracy shades into oligarchy (rule by the few) or plutocracy (rule by the wealthy). (Martin Gilens 2012)
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Notes
- 1.
Plausible examples are laws that make it a (quite serious) criminal offence to be found in possession of small quantities of marijuana for personal use.
- 2.
This is of course the requirement that all members have an equal opportunity to participate effectively in political decision-making (including electoral) processes. It should go without saying that it is not the – clearly absurd – requirement that all members wield equal influence in determining the outcome of these processes.
- 3.
While I focus here on electoral contests under the first-past-the-post system in which there are only two candidates (or parties), the objections to the system I present are even stronger in multi-party democracies.
- 4.
These “realistically foreseeable outcomes” are bound to vary a good deal from district to district, simply because they must reflect a range of relevant “facts on the ground” in particular electoral districts – for example, facts about the likely turnout of voters on election day and facts about the expected split between supporters of X and supporters of Y, indeed facts of all the sorts that might provide a plausible basis for realistic predictions of what the outcome in some upcoming electoral contest is likely to be.
- 5.
The basic point is that the actual distribution, within the electoral district, of support for the competing candidates is a crucial factor in determining who wins an election – a point that holds even if, for example, the boundaries have been set by as neutral and knowledgeable and independent a body as could have been established to draw the new boundaries.
- 6.
One of the most significant findings in Martin Gilens’s (2012) book, Affluence and Influence: Economic Inequality and Political Power in America, is that when the interests of the wealthy diverge from those of the middle classes and the poor – as they commonly do in matters of great concern to the wealthy, such as the structure of the economy and taxation policy – “only the wealthy appear(ed) to influence policy outcomes.” (p. 87)
References
Brandeis, L. 1941. Cited in Irving Dilliard, Mr. Justice Brandeis, Great American. Saint Louis: The Modern View Press.
Gilens, M. 2012. Affluence and influence: Economic inequality and political power in America. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Overby, P., and Frank James. 2012. Words wealthy democratic donors should get used to: ‘It’s me, Rahm.’ National Public Radio. http://www.npr.org/blogs/itsallpolitics/2012/09/07/160770861/words-wealthy-democratic-donors-should-get-used-to-its-me-rahm. Accessed 8 Sept 2012.
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Macleod, A.M. (2014). Democracy and Economic Inequality. In: Cudd, A., Scholz, S. (eds) Philosophical Perspectives on Democracy in the 21st Century. AMINTAPHIL: The Philosophical Foundations of Law and Justice, vol 5. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-02312-0_13
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