Abstract
Although it has been argued that we are living in the most peaceful time in human history, South Africa remains a society characterised by violence. Indeed, it may not be a stretch to claim that (despite our progressive laws and policies, and what I have heard described as our “beautiful constitution”) violence remains systemic in South African society. Put differently, the daily lives of the majority of South Africans are infused with, or haunted by the spectre of, violence. In my contribution, I want to explore the normalisation of violence in South African society—focusing in particular on gender-based violence as a response to those who are considered deviant by hegemonic social standards (for example, the so-called ‘corrective rape’ of (primarily Black) queer South African women or ‘streamlining’ practices in which a group of typically male friends commit gang rape together). These forms of violence are often thought to be justified in the light of hegemonic hetero-patriarchal norms and values, and are exacerbated by what I have described (elsewhere) as the dominant picture of the Other underpinning the public imagination in South Africa—that is, the picture of the Other as a threat to ‘me’ and ‘mine.’ Understanding the normalisation of (these kinds of) violence is, I believe, crucial if we want to work towards assuaging it; if, that is, we are committed to a socially just and equitable South Africa in which the human rights of all are respected and promoted.
In the context of South Africa, these forms of sexual violence operate less as message and more as normative practice
Kylie Thomas (Kylie Thomas (2013) ‘Homophobia, Injustice and ‘Corrective Rape’ in Post-Apartheid South Africa’ (Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation and Centre for Humanities Research, University of the Western Cape), p. 6)
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Notes
- 1.
Achille Mbembe (2001) On the Postcolony (University of California Press) p. 175.
- 2.
Rachel Jewkes and Naeema Abrahams (2002) ‘The Epidemiology of rape and sexual coercion in South Africa: an overview’ Social Science and Medicine 55: p. 1240.
- 3.
Elizabeth Dartnall & Rachel Jewkes (2013) ‘Sexual violence against women: The scope of the problem’ Best Practice & Research Clinical Obstetrics and Gynaecology 27, p. 9.
- 4.
Although I use the term ‘corrective’ here, I am sympathetic to arguments that are critical of this term and aim to replace it with another, such as, ‘homophobic’ or ‘lesbophobic’. I use it here in line with the literature, and to highlight this commonplace motivation amongst perpetrators (and broader society) while still maintaining that the term is problematic.
- 5.
The notion of violence as corrective is actually quite common in various areas—for example, in talk about discipline—think about a child who is disciplined by their parent, or citizens who are disciplined by the state—and in talk about social cleansing and xenophobia. In some of these contexts the general public also deems corrective violence to be a legitimate means of controlling the social order.
- 6.
cited in Roderick Brown (2012) ‘Corrective Rape in South Africa: Continuing Plight despite an International Human Rights Response’ Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law, 18: p. 53.
- 7.
Ideas concerning gender, sex, and sexuality, as well as the use of violence for social regulation.
- 8.
Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for highlighting the importance of this tension. Unfortunately, a thorough exploration of this tension is beyond the scope of this contribution due to space constraints, and as such will have to be left for future work.
- 9.
Helen Moffett (2006) “These Women, They Force Us to Rape Them’: Rape as Narrative of Social Control in Post-Apartheid South Africa’ Journal of Southern African Studies 32(1): p. 140.
- 10.
Vrushali Patil (2013) ‘From Patriarchy to Intersectionality: A Transnational Feminist Assessment of How Far We’ve Really Come.’ Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 38(4).
- 11.
This turn to the local is partly informed by pressing questions surrounding the decolonisation of feminist knowledge production. These concerns are widespread in the academy and have become all the more pressing in the twenty-first century. And with them, arguably, a narrower focus on the local has emerged—a focus on what might be considered indigenous to our place. This narrower focus on place, and on what is ‘of’ this place, is part of the work needed to move more fully into a postcolonial space where the harms sustained as a direct result of the political, social and epistemic processes of colonisation can begin to be undone or assuaged; however, it can, as Patil argues, lead to certain blind-spots.
- 12.
Patil (2013) ‘From Patriarchy to Intersectionality’, p. 854.
- 13.
Ibid, p. 849.
- 14.
Ibid, pp. 849–853.
- 15.
Ibid, p. 863.
- 16.
Particularly against women and girls, but not exclusively so.
- 17.
I do not, for instance, explore the impact of socio-economic inequality in the cultivation of a culture of violence and gender-based violence in particular, even though this case has certainly been made, because I am not interested in highlighting these particular dynamics when talking about ‘corrective’ sexual violence in particular. However, as a brief sample, Goitse Leburu-Masigo argues that socio-economic inequality is one of the “structural root causes of violence in South Africa” (Leburu-Masigo, (2020) ‘Re-positioning social work in the agenda to deal with violence against women and South Africa’s triple challenges’ Social Work 56(2, 5): p. 178). Mohamed Seedat, Ashley Van Niekerk, Rachel Jewkes, Shahnaaz Suffla, and Kopano Ratele (2009), also offer this explanation. In their words:
A detailed analysis of the relation between socioeconomic inequalities and violence, based on survey data from 63 countries, shows that income inequality (measured by the Gini coefficient), low economic development, and high levels of gender inequity are strong positive predictors of rates of violence […] South Africa had the worst income inequality […] of the 63 countries studied. […] Where there is great inequality there is likely to be great anger and frustration, and so violence might be used to gain the resources, power, and influence that others have, or are perceived to have. (Seedat et al. (2009) ‘Violence and injuries in South Africa: prioritising an agenda for prevention’ Lancet 374: p. 1015).
Turning to sexual and gender-based violence in particular, Mandu Selepe, Graham Lindegger and Kaymarlin Govender (2020) highlight that:
since 1994, many women in South Africa have become empowered and financially independent. At the same time, many men have become unemployed and financially disabled. […] this role reversal troubles men and increases their likelihood to use violence (including sexual violence) to reinforce their perceived male superiority, dominance, and authority over women. (Selepe et al. (2020) ‘Discourses in accounts of rape by sex offenders in Limpopo province, South Africa’ South African Journal of Psychology 2021, 51(4): p. 522).
- 18.
To take a very basic example, we cannot fully grasp the system of apartheid, and the beliefs and values underpinning it or, the militant masculinities that were further consolidated during this period, without recourse to the colonisation of South Africa and its people and to broader imperialist, colonialist, and capitalist movements to expand into and exploit different territories and peoples.
- 19.
See Louise du Toit (2014) ‘Shifting Meanings of Postconflict Sexual Violence in South Africa,’ Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 40(1): pp. 101–123. I will return to her below to discuss both her concerns with what she describes as feminist explanations of post-conflict sexual violence in South Africa as well as her own account of ontological violence.
- 20.
Ibid, p. 118. Here she is speaking particularly about rape.
- 21.
Shireen Hassim (2009) ‘Democracy’s Shadows: Sexual Right and Gender Politics in the Rape Trial of Jacob Zuma’ African Studies 68(1): p. 65.
- 22.
See, for instance, Pumla Dineo Gqola (2015) Rape: A South African Nightmare. (Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for bringing the following irony to mind—that despite this, queerness is framed today as an import from the West, as colonial and ‘un-African.’)
- 23.
Helen Moffett (2006) ‘“These Women, They Force Us to Rape Them”: Rape as Narrative of Social Control in Post-Apartheid South Africa’ Journal of Southern African Studies 32(1): p 132.
- 24.
Uvile Memory Samkelisiwe Ximba (2021) ‘Beyond the rainbow: creative approaches as dialogue for LGBTQIA+ intimate partner violence,’ Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 39(4): p. 620.
- 25.
Gangs were often affiliated with political parties and deployed as part of the armed struggle—particularly in the Cape and Gauteng provinces.
- 26.
David Abrahams (2010) ‘A synopsis of urban violence in South Africa’ International Review of the Red Cross 92(878): p. 500.
- 27.
Gqola reminds feminist activists and scholars working in South Africa of the practice of ‘jackrolling’ in Rape: A South African Nightmare in a call not to erase (or make invisible) the sexual violence perpetrated by strangers in the understandable efforts of feminist activists and scholars to point to intimately-known offenders as the norm in our country.
- 28.
Kopano Ratele (2006) ‘Ruling masculinity and sexuality’ Feminist Africa 6: p. 8
- 29.
Ibid, p. 55.
- 30.
Of course, this is not to say that all masculinities available at and performed during these times were violent, or that all forms of masculinities found in South Africa today are militant. Indeed, work from critical masculinities studies indicates that there are various counterhegemonic forms of masculinity present in South Africa today. Following philosopher, Ward E Jones’ (2020) work on gender in ‘Men in Women’s Clothes’ (Southern Journal of Philosophy, 58: pp. 574–609) I take some of these to be pioneering expressions of masculinity in South Africa today.
- 31.
Liz Walker (2005) ‘Men Behaving Differently’ Culture Health and Sexuality 7(3): p. 227.
- 32.
Ibid.
- 33.
Men positioned in marginalized or oppressed groups were of course disrespected, but, prior to this time, this disrespect was, arguably, directed at them qua black men, for instance, and not qua men.
- 34.
Ibid, p. 226.
- 35.
Ibid, pp. 227–228.
- 36.
Ibid, p. 231.
- 37.
We live in sexualised times, and this brings sex to the fore, for good and for bad. If a man’s value is measured in terms of his sexual ‘exploits,’ then raping women may be felt by particular men as beneficial in terms of upping one’s status.
- 38.
In addition to the works already referenced, see, for instance, María Lugones (2007) ‘Heterosexualism and the Colonial / Modern Gender System’ Hypatia 22(1): pp. 186–209. In this paper, Lugones argues that gender is a colonial concept and mode of organisation—that colonialism imposed gender, as we know it, on the colonised—and in so doing “constructed a powerful inside force as colonized men were co-opted into patriarchal roles” (p. 200).
- 39.
Pumla Dineo Gqola (2015) Rape: A South African Nightmare, p. 96.
- 40.
Ibid, p. 92.
- 41.
While she does consider the possibility that assertions of manhood and masculinity, such as those made in calls for decolonization, might be made without bringing with them commitments to heteronormative patriarchy Gqola ultimately rejects this view.
- 42.
Pumla Dineo Gqola (2015) Rape: A South African Nightmare, p. 60.
- 43.
Ibid, pp. 67–152.
- 44.
Ibid, p. 21.
- 45.
Pumla Dineo Gqola (2021) Female Fear Factory, p. 101.
- 46.
Pumla Dineo Gqola (2015) Rape: A South African Nightmare, p. 92.
- 47.
Rachel Jewkes served as the Unit Director of the Gender and Health Unit of the South African Medical Research Council for 22 years between 1995 and 2017. The empirical research that she has spearheaded on sexual and gender-based violence in South Africa during this time is enormously important in furthering our understanding of these phenomena in our country. Jewkes was also among the first feminist scholars to directly engage with perpetrators of rape in an effort to understand their perceptions of rape, and sexual and gender-based violence more broadly.
- 48.
Kate Wood, Helen Lambert, Rachel Jewkes (2007) ‘“Showing Roughness in a Beautiful Way”: Talk about Love, Coercion, and Rape in South African Youth Sexual Culture’ Medical Anthropology Quarterly 21(3): p. 284.
- 49.
Mohamed Seedat, Ashley Van Niekerk, Rachel Jewkes, Shahnaaz Suffla, Kopano Ratele (2009) ‘Violence and injuries in South Africa: prioritising an agenda for prevention’ Lancet 374: p. 1013.
- 50.
Rachel Jewkes, Yandisa Sikweyiya, Robert Morrell, and Kristin Dunkle (2011) ‘Gender Inequitable Masculinity and Sexual Entitlement in Rape Perpetration South Africa: Findings of a Cross-Sectional Study,’ PLoS ONE 6(12): e29590.
- 51.
Deborah Posel (2005) ‘Sex, Death and The Fate of The Nation: Reflections on the Politicization Of Sexuality In Post-Apartheid South Africa,’ Africa 75(2): p. 127.
- 52.
Ibid.
- 53.
Seedat et al. (2009) ‘Violence and injuries in South Africa: prioritising an agenda for prevention’ Lancet 374: p. 1015.
- 54.
Rachel Jewkes and Naeema Abrahams (2002) ‘The Epidemiology of rape and sexual coercion in South Africa: an overview’ Social Science and Medicine 55: p. 1239.
- 55.
Engaging directly with feminist research on ‘corrective’ sexual violence in South Africa is invaluable to anyone trying to understand this social practice given that national police data on rape and sexual violence is not disaggregated according to sexuality or gender identity (outside of the hetero-patriarchal binary).
- 56.
Katharine Wood and Rachel Jewkes, (2001) “Dangerous’ Love: Reflections on Violence among Xhosa Township Youth’ In: Morrell, R, (ed.) Changing men in South Africa. (University of Natal Press), p. 325.
- 57.
Rachel Jewkes, Kristin Dunkle, Mary P. Koss, Jonathan B. Levin, Mzikazi Nduna, Nwabisa Jama, and Yandisa Sikweyiya (2006) ‘Rape perpetration by young, rural South African men: Prevalence, patterns and risk factors’ in Social Science & Medicine 63: p. 2951.
- 58.
See, for instance, Janet Maia Wojcicki (2002) ‘“She Drank His Money”: Survival Sex and the Problem of Violence in Taverns in Gauteng Province, South Africa’ in Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 16(3), 267–293.
- 59.
Policing sexuality here can be understood in one of two ways—either as policing the existence of non-normative sexualities, seeking to annihilate them, or as policing the visibility of non-normative sexualities, seeking to keep these hidden from public attention. See Kylie Thomas (2013) ‘Homophobia, Injustice and ‘Corrective Rape’ in Post-Apartheid South Africa’ (Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation and Centre for Humanities Research, University of the Western Cape), who argues that ‘corrective’ rape ought to be seen “less as message and more of normative practice”—as quoted in the epigraph to this chapter.
- 60.
See Kylie Thomas (2013) ‘Homophobia, Injustice and ‘Corrective Rape’ in Post-Apartheid South Africa’ (Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation and Centre for Humanities Research, University of the Western Cape).
- 61.
Brown, R. (2012) ‘Corrective Rape in South Africa: Continuing Plight despite an International Human Rights Response’ Annual Survey of International & Comparative Law, 18: 53.
- 62.
Pumla Dineo Gqola & Wendy Isaack (2006) ‘In Conversation’ in Feminist Africa 6: Subaltern Sexualities, p. 93 [my emphasis].
- 63.
Elaine Salo and Pumla Dineo Gqola (2006) ‘Subaltern sexualities’ Feminist Africa 6: pp. 2–3.
- 64.
Jessica Horn (2006) ‘Re-righting the sexual body’ in Feminist Africa 6: p. 15 [my emphasis].
- 65.
Ibid, p. 14.
- 66.
Helen Moffett (2006) “These Women, They Force Us to Rape Them’: Rape as Narrative of Social Control in Post-Apartheid South Africa’ Journal of Southern African Studies 32(1): p. 138 [my emphasis].
- 67.
She also discusses ‘corrective’ rape as it is targeted at asexual women and transgender men. Again, in both instances it is the challenge to heteronormative patriarchal values that positions these groups as socially acceptable targets of ‘corrective’ rape.
- 68.
Sarah Doan-Minh (2019) ‘Corrective rape: an extreme manifestation of discrimination and the state’s complicity in sexual violence’, Hastings Women’s Law Journal, 30(1): p. 170. According to Doan-Minh, lesbians epitomize the Other insofar as they pose a ‘tripartite threat’ to heteronormative patriarchy: to heterosexuality, to gender norms, and to sex.
- 69.
Ibid, p. 175.
- 70.
Megan E. Morrissey (2013) ‘Rape as a Weapon of Hate: Discursive Constructions and Material Consequences of Black Lesbianism in South Africa’, Women’s Studies in Communication, 36(1): p. 73.
- 71.
Elaine Salo and Pumla Dineo Gqola (2006) ‘Subaltern sexualities’ in Feminist Africa 6: Subaltern Sexualities, p. 2.
- 72.
Kopano Ratele (2006) ‘Ruling masculinity and sexuality’ in Feminist Africa 6: Subaltern Sexualities, p. 59 [my emphasis].
- 73.
Ibid.
- 74.
Zanele Muholi (2004) ‘Thinking through lesbian rape’, Agenda, 18(61) p. 122. Jessica Horn also claims that “A litany of proverbs, contemporary cultural norms and laws reinforce the idea that the “proper” or “real” African woman is a woman who is heterosexual, married, bears children, and more often than not, pleases her husband sexually” (Jessica Horn (2006) ‘Re-righting the sexual body’ p. 9).
- 75.
Megan E. Morrissey (2013) ‘Rape as a Weapon of Hate: Discursive Constructions and Material Consequences of Black Lesbianism in South Africa’, Women’s Studies in Communication, 36(1): p. 75
- 76.
Ibid.
- 77.
Ibid, p. 76.
- 78.
Ibid, p. 77.
- 79.
Ibid, p. 74.
- 80.
Ibid, p. 81.
- 81.
Ibid, p. 84.
- 82.
Many thanks to an anonymous reviewer for bringing this contradiction to my attention.
- 83.
Judith Butler (2004) Precarious Life p. 34.
- 84.
Ibid.
- 85.
Ibid, p. 35.
- 86.
Hegel, G.W.F. Phenomenology of Spirit S.187
- 87.
There is some debate over whether this original encounter in Hegel is in fact inevitably hostile. See for instance, the work of Michael Monahan on what he calls ‘pure recognition’ in Hegel. (See, Monahan, M.J. (2006) ‘Recognition beyond struggle: On a liberatory account of Hegelian recognition’ Social Theory and Practice 32(3)).
- 88.
Emmanuel Levinas Totality and Infinity: An Essay on Exteriority (trans. Alphonso Lingis), p. 119 (Duquesne University Press: 1998. first published 1961).
- 89.
At least in her society… That is, it is arguable that what she says may only speak to the position of some (primarily white, Western) women.
- 90.
Simone de Beauvoir (1949) The Second Sex, pp. 26–27.
- 91.
Ibid, p.26
- 92.
Ibid.
- 93.
Ibid, p. 29.
- 94.
Ibid, p. 37.
- 95.
Louise du Toit (2019) ‘The African Animal Other’, Angelaki, 24(2): p. 130.
- 96.
It is perhaps worth quoting Mbembe himself on colonial logic here:
the problem is not that Western thought posits the self (self-identity) as other than the other. Nor does everything come down to a simple opposition […] In fact, here is a principle of language and classificatory systems in which to differ from something or somebody is not simply not to be like (in the sense of being non-identical or being-other); it is also not to be at all (nonbeing). More, it is being nothing (nothingness).—Achille Mbembe (2001) On The Postcolony p. 4 (University of California Press).
- 97.
Louise du Toit (2019) ‘The African Animal Other’, Angelaki, 24(2): p. 130.
- 98.
Ibid, p. 133.
- 99.
Ibid, p. 138.
- 100.
The intersections with Beauvoir’s account should be evident here.
- 101.
It is for this reason that du Toit reminds us that “the figure of Native or B-lack [sic] Woman comes to occupy a central position in the colonial logic” (p. 134).
- 102.
Ibid, p. 130.
- 103.
Ibid.
- 104.
Ibid.
- 105.
Ibid.
- 106.
Ibid.
- 107.
Ibid p. 132. Given this, du Toit argues that dismantling this logic—particularly its representations of nature and ‘the animal’—is imperative to the project of decolonization, as well as to challenging contemporary forms of domination in post-colonial South Africa. I wholeheartedly agree.
- 108.
Louise du Toit (2014) ‘Shifting Meanings of Postconflict Sexual Violence in South Africa,’ Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 40(1): pp. 119–120.
- 109.
Helen Moffett (2006) “These Women, They Force Us to Rape Them’: Rape as Narrative of Social Control in Post-Apartheid South Africa’ Journal of Southern African Studies 32(1): 140 (of 129–144).
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Kelland, L. (2024). ‘Corrective’ Sexual Violence in South Africa: A Crime Against the Deviant Sexualised Other. In: Sanni, J.S., Villet, C.M. (eds) Philosophy of Violence: A Multidisciplinary Perspective. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-55881-8_5
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