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Combining Decolonial Praxes of Indigenous and African Diaspora Social Justice: The Emergence of the Glocal Black “Organic Intellectual”

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Decoloniality in the Grassroots and The Re-emergence of the Black Organic Intellectual

Abstract

In this chapter, we will synthesise and interrogate the work described in previous chapters to form a decolonial framework within which our vision of a Black “organic intellectual” sits. An “organic intellectual” praxis combines glocal decolonial and decolonised theories to facilitate their communities’ liberatory ambitions. In this chapter, we will also unpick the complex questions that are asked of both the decolonial and decolonising processes in the overarching neoliberal paradigm that grassroots communities sit. Is it possible to truly decolonise grassroots praxis, and if so, what impact would this have on state controls (especially those with colonial histories and a contemporaneous “coloniality of Power”)? We will use education in the UK and in Brazil as state avatars through which to grapple with this question and its implications for the grassroots.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Which sounds suspiciously like Marcus Garvey’s (1937): “We are going to emancipate ourselves from mental slavery because whilst others might free the body, none but ourselves can free the mind.”

  2. 2.

    Which evokes Du Bois’ “twoness” where this now reclaimed psyche has to use its knowledge of whiteness (Blau & Brown, 2001) and its accompanying psychic interior to negotiate an advantageous position that will ensure the former’s survival alongside the latter.

  3. 3.

    Very much reminding us of Hall’s (1996, p. 448) “cut and mix” hybridity that he describes as the Caribbean diasporic identity. Also see Chap. 2.

  4. 4.

    See Chap. 3.

  5. 5.

    See Bruce & Clennon (2022).

  6. 6.

    See Clennon (2016, p. 99) for:

    Morrison’s point about the association between freedom and ‘whiteness’ and an implicit ‘blackness’ and enslavement starts with the observation that European settlers arrived in America looking for religious freedoms but also freedoms from European (especially British) constraints of class and tradition. Morrison explains that their desire for freedom did not make them immune from the “terror of human freedom” (Morrison, 1993, p. 37). I interpret this terror as a kind of moral panic along the lines of ‘what are we going to do with all of this self-determination and freedom after being so used to the societal constraints of our previous home land?’ In order to assuage this panic, Morrison asserts that the early settlers needed to ‘invent’ (to other) a group of people whom they could enslave in order to reconstitute a social order to which they were more psychically used. So ‘blackness’ to them became synonymous with enslavement for the whole purpose of giving them a much-needed anchor or structure for their new psychic freedoms of ‘whiteness’.

  7. 7.

    See Chaps. 2 and 4 for the descriptions of Indigenous people in Amazonas as “savage” and their contemporary echoes and Chap. 3 for the devaluing of the Black knowledge from grassroots communities by Higher Education Institutions in the UK.

  8. 8.

    See Clennon (2016) for a Lacanian and Fanonian psychoanalytical reading of whiteness that places it as a fragmented ego that looks at its invented alter ego, Blackness as a Lacanian imago (of complete-ness), so that (p. 102):

    Going back to Toni Morrison’s observations about the European settlers; even though they had left patriarchal societies their sense of masculinity could still have been ‘fragmented’ due the constraints of religion, class and tradition that they had left behind. For example, we can get a sense of this feeling of ‘fragmentation’ from the ideas of the influential writer, Edward Long, who in his 1774 book, The History of Jamaica, Volume 2, famously cited Africans as having, “no plan or system of morality among them” (p. 353). For Long, the perceptions of their ‘native’ customs seemed, to him, so alien to the British patriarchal system that they could only have been possibly perceived as ‘immoral’ in sharp contrast to the “morality” left behind in England.

    Of course, this perfectly illustrates the Sepúlveda complex (see Chap. 2 and Bruce & Clennon (2022)), where like Sepúlveda in the Americas, he attributed and transferred his own disavowed immorality onto the subjects of his gaze, unable to truly see them (or himself) as they actually were. This fragmented moral blindness is another hallmark of whiteness. Just imagine, if whiteness, using triple consciousness, were to re-integrate itself into becoming whole; becoming just another part of humanity! It would then cease to exist in its current form, and its fragmented appetites for (sexual) dominance and mastery would also cease. This new/old form of “whole being” would then be able to re-join the rest of humanity that is patiently awaiting the return of its Prodigal Son! Rather than at present, deludedly sitting above (i.e. apart from) humanity as its universal representation, whilst in the meantime, destroying the planet and the rest of humanity with it.

  9. 9.

    See note 3 about Stuart Hall.

  10. 10.

    René Descartes is a French philosopher famous for his aphorism “I think therefore I am” (“Cogito ergo sum”), meaning that his act of thinking presupposes a consciousness within which it is possible to think and this consciousness represents an awareness of “self” (“I am”).

  11. 11.

    We are talking about Dualism that is predominantly focused on what constitutes the mind and what constitutes the body. It is very interesting that Plato thought that the form of things existed ‘elsewhere’ in the abstract and material things were just an inaccurate representation of their true form (Plato, 1997). So, in terms of the body and mind (the mind being an aspect of the soul), the soul as the true Form exists immortally and independently of the body, whilst the body is an inaccurate representation of it. Plato goes on to describe how the soul is, in fact, trapped within the body (but he doesn’t explain how, though) only to be released back into immortality into its (original and true) form, “elsewhere” upon the death of the body. So, for Plato, the human being is actually its soul trapped in a body (that inaccurately represents it). However, Aristotle (1968 [1993]) believed that Plato’s form (soul, in this context of the body) didn’t exist “elsewhere” but was an integral mortal property of the body that made it into a living human being. In other words, the union between the soul and the body is what produces the human being. It is argued that both Plato and Aristotle are early dualists but we think that this is a little reductionist in as much as they are only identifying what these entangled concepts are but not separating them out as wholly independent dual entities. See Stanford University (2020) for more details about Dualism and its history. In both ancient world-views (i.e. Plato’s and Aristotle’s), human beings had (or were) souls, whether they were immortal Forms taking only temporary residence in a body or whether their mortal souls were the intrinsic component that turned (elevated) the body into a human being. We can see that this Greek philosophy bore a close resemblance to other ancient world cosmologies around the globe that speak of spiritual and physical worlds and how they are inseparable from each other. For example, see Bruce & Clennon (2022) for an introduction to African metaphysics, where aspects of time (i.e. the distant past, within oral recollection) can be thought of as a spirit-world location populated by entities that via specialists can impact our physical plane (sometimes through actual physical embodiment, remember Plato?) and how traditional thinkers are taught to regard both planes of existence as inseparable, so that events happening in the physical plane can be interpreted through their spirit-world analogues. Also see Chap. 2 and Laqueur (1990) for a similar fragmentation of the sexes from one to two sexes, that created a similarly harmful imperial dualism between the sexes that was used racially to double down on proving African “inferiority”. We can see that fragmentation had not taken hold of the ancient-world thinker, where the test for humanity was whether a body had a soul (European) or not (African). As Bruce & Clennon (2022) point out via Aristotle’s The Politics (Aristotle, 1944), the Ancient World regarded all people as human beings first and foremost, albeit with different characteristics. Even though for Ancient World thinkers, “mankind as a whole” (Aristotle, 1944, [1254b] [1] lines 11–13) was diverse, it was still mankind, nevertheless! This view changes when Descartes separates the mind from the body entirely, with the view that the body is an autonomous, independent physical, mechanical entity with its own laws of action being interfered with by an internal private entity that is the mind. Here, we have the opening justification that is used to characterise people as “human” and “non-human” by making it an option of whether a body has a soul (human) or not (non-human)—remembering animals in the natural world were routinely considered bodies without souls.

  12. 12.

    The separation of scientific disciplines into isolated fields, among other things, is a result of the hegemony of this model.

  13. 13.

    See Clennon (2018); Chap. 4, for a discussion of Gurminder Bhambra’s “connected histories” (see Bhambra (2010); Bhambra (2007)) that critiques the three Global North developments of historical sociology (i.e. Neo-Weberian IR Theory, Civilisational analysis: multiple modernities and the US/UK/European Third Wave—the “cultural turn”) for their Eurocentric beliefs in the spontaneous and endogenous emergence of the “European Miracle” (Mann, 2006, p. 549) of knowledge production.

  14. 14.

    Like air and water.

  15. 15.

    Also see Chap. 4.

  16. 16.

    See Chap. 4.

  17. 17.

    See Clennon (2014) for full details of this initiative. Also see MaCTRI (2013).

  18. 18.

    See MaCTRI (2018a, paras 1, 2) for our government policy briefing document: 

    Supplementary schools are volunteer-led spaces, offering educational, cultural and language provision for mainly black and minority ethnic (BME) children and young people. Research has consistently shown that they offer an invaluable resource for many pupils, but are often overlooked by mainstream schools and education funders (Nwulu, 2015, p. 7). Ramalingam and Griffith (2015) report, there are between three to five thousand supplementary schools across the country that operate mainly on Saturdays and sometimes on weekdays in the early evening. These statistics are especially important when we consider that approaching a third of all BAME pupils attend supplementary schools alongside mainstream education. In order to give feedback on the [government’s] Green Paper, we arranged two focus group meetings with a range of BAME supplementary schools from Greater Manchester’s African and African Caribbean, Somali, Muslim, Arab and Chinese communities. Our discussions with the focus groups revealed the wide range of activities that our supplementary schools undertake and although their central focus is education, they very much act as community hubs with the potential to deliver an even greater range of community services. The overwhelming sentiment from our groups was that the government needs to greatly expand its current recognition of ‘out-of-school settings’ to include the wide range of community activities that supplementary schools already run to “build[ing] strong, integrated communities” that “challeng[ing] attitudes and practices which…foster[ing] division”. (HM Government, 2018)”

  19. 19.

    See MaCTRI (2019) details of our work around exploring what the unique pressures of setting up Black community enterprises are and how intergenerational learning could help to ameliorate some of these challenges.

  20. 20.

    See MaCTRI (2016a) for a local Manchester research context.

  21. 21.

    Meaning the loss of their venues equates to the loss of their community services. Also see Clennon (2017b) for snapshot of that process for local Black communities in Manchester.

  22. 22.

    See MEaP (2017b) for the decolonial vision of our proposed school. The physical building of our school (if our application were successful) would have helped us bid for local authority contracts for us to be funded to deliver community services to our local communities in a more culturally sensitive way than current local authority providers can. Also see Clennon (2022b) for a report that identifies the challenges Black community service providers face when trying to get the Local Authority to commission their local already-existing work instead of giving those contracts to white organisations who are often not local to the area AND still need local Black community organisations to source service users for them, so that they can fulfil their contracts!

  23. 23.

    Also see MaCTRI (2016b) for research into African and African Caribbean Studio Schools and their local impact on community regeneration.

  24. 24.

    At the time, having been accepted (after the second time of asking) on to the New Schools Network Development Programme, for which you apply and are interviewed, we were acutely aware of the demise of Diaspora High School’s free school application that had been turned down consistently due to it appearing to only benefit black boys in its local area (Duncan, 2014). Although they managed to get further along in the application process than we did, we recognised as our end point, the potentially arbitrary racist outcomes of the final destination of the application (the Department of Education, DfE). We were also made aware at the time of one of our partners, a local Manchester Chinese School’s free school application that was also turned down at the DfE stage because the proposed Chinese Headteacher was somehow not Chinese enough!

  25. 25.

    See Chap. 3 and Clennon (2014). Also see Clennon (2017a); Clennon (2018, pp. 76–77) for the Ubuntu pedagogical underpinning of our community provision that we call MEaP Academy Twilight School, where we use this African Philosophy of Education to underpin our cross-curriculum delivery: 

    We found that Ubuntu as an African Philosophy of Education that is built on communitarian values of social justice is a unifying pedagogy across our African and Caribbean led schools. Ubuntu is about exploring the balance between the rights of the individual and their responsibilities to their communities and vice versa. The key overarching areas of Ubuntu are ethno-philosophy and critical philosophy. Ethno-philosophy aims to foreground our native sayings, metaphors, poetry and songs, as a way of extracting home wisdoms. When we look at our cultural components with a critical eye we can begin to draw out the common truths that are present in our cultural practices. Once we have uncovered our native knowledge, we can then apply critical philosophy to look at reflecting on and evaluating this knowledge. Using questions such as; how is this knowledge useful for my self-development and for the development of my community? What new knowledge or ways of seeing the world do we gain from our cultural practices that we don’t get from the mainstream culture around us? Are there harmful beliefs embedded within some of our cultural practices? How do we change them but on our terms?

  26. 26.

    See Journey to a Successful Career/Self Employment: Four Case Studies (MaCTRI, 2016c) for more details about the transformative effect of community education that is linked to community enterprise activities and training on people’s lives.

  27. 27.

    Meaning resisting Eurocentric universalism and its special claim of representing (all of) humanity.

  28. 28.

    Quilombos are ethnically configured areas in traditionally occupied territories in Brazil. The 1988 amendment to the Constitution (Comissão Pró-Índio de São Paulo, 1988) addressed this issue but in Amazonas, the presence of Blacks was treated with less interest, to the point of making them invisible in the Amazon region. However, in 2015, the Quilombos of Praça XIV were granted the Intangible Heritage Status of the State of Amazonas that recognised their existence for “125 years… formed by descendants of slaves from Maranhão who settled in the Praça 14 de Janeiro neighborhood. The village composed of 25 families was defined as the second recognized urban quilombo in Brazil, a title granted by the Palmares Cultural Foundation” (Editor, 2015). This is all the more significant as The Quilombo da Praça XIV was threatened with removal (eviction) due to social prejudice and real estate speculation. See Chap. 4 for some of my work in that community.

  29. 29.

    See Chap. 4 to see how the Quilombola experience manifests itself in the “territory” of higher education.

  30. 30.

    See Chap. 3 for details.

  31. 31.

    See note 19.

  32. 32.

    Of which this volume is part!

  33. 33.

    Just as an aside, also see MaCTRI (2021b) for details of a concept note for a UN Youth Forum to be set up as a shadow space to the Permanent Forum, where young people of African Descent from across the globe, would be able to discuss the main Permanent Forum issues from an entirely youth-oriented perspective. Across all of the UN youth departments, there is no dedicated cross-cutting theme for young people of African descent, which is strange considering the enormous challenges they face around the world. At the time of writing, The Permanent Forum has accepted this idea and young people from the US are taking the lead in putting it together. We are hoping that our young people from our Youth Bridges programme will consider joining this Forum when it is ready. We also have a local Tackling Racial Injustice (TRI) Black Youth Forum that came from one of the recommendations of the TRI report (Clennon, 2022b; MaCTRI, 2022) and we are hoping that they too will join the Forum when it is ready.

  34. 34.

    We are very much aware of the potential for conflict with Article 46, as identified by Calegare et al. (2020).

  35. 35.

    As initially defined by the Durban Declaration of Programme of Action (DDPA) (United Nations, 2001) and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) (United Nations, 1965).

  36. 36.

    Or “traditional heritage knowledges” (Clennon, 2022a).

  37. 37.

    See Chaps. 3 and 4.

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Correspondence to Ornette D. Clennon .

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Clennon, O.D., Sampaio, C. (2023). Combining Decolonial Praxes of Indigenous and African Diaspora Social Justice: The Emergence of the Glocal Black “Organic Intellectual”. In: Decoloniality in the Grassroots and The Re-emergence of the Black Organic Intellectual. Palgrave Studies in Decolonisation and Grassroots Black Organic Intellectualism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-44847-8_5

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