Abstract
This chapter examines the off-duty expectations of three international volunteer Japanese language teachers (JLTs) who were soon to depart for South America, where each volunteer was under contract to teach Japanese as a heritage language in a different Nikkei, or Japanese descendant, community through a government-sponsored program. Drawing on interview data collected during the volunteers’ pre-departure training sessions, the study presented in this chapter outlines how volunteers’ destination choices were largely based on their expectations for language study outside of work. In that sense, these volunteers, or “middling transnationals,” each situated their language teaching volunteer work within the mobile futures they imagined—futures in which knowing particular languages had more or less value for their anticipated lifestyles. This chapter thus shows how volunteer JLTs’ expectations for the ways in which language learning would influence their social and economic trajectories shaped the choices they made about where to teach Japanese. In that sense, volunteer JLTs strategically managed their own language-related resources by (re)producing dominant ideologies about different languages’ use values.
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Notes
- 1.
Hereafter in this chapter, as a way of reflecting the meaning implied in the Japanese names of these programs, and a means of focusing on the distinction between the “Nikkei” and the “overseas” spaces in Japanese, I will call the Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers the “Overseas” program, rather than using the abbreviation JOCV.
- 2.
According to the data between 2006 and 2010, the Overseas volunteer program dispatched about 2000 volunteers per year on average (about 1400–1500 youth volunteers and 350–400 senior volunteers every year). To deal with this number of volunteers, recruitment was conducted twice a year and the training sessions were held four times a year. On the other hand, the Nikkei volunteers were about 40–50 per year (20–40 youth and 13–26 seniors, depending on the year). The recruitment and training sessions (a series of two) for them were once a year (see Motobayashi, 2015, for details).
- 3.
The Colombo Plan (The Colombo Plan for Cooperative Economic and Social Development in Asia and the Pacific) is an intergovernmental “cooperative venture for the economic and social advancement of the peoples of South and South-east Asia” that began operations in 1951 (The Colombo Plan Secretariat, n.d.), and in the context of Japan’s international cooperation history, Japan’s participation in 1954 is understood as Japan’s first provision of technical cooperation to Asian countries (JICA, n.d.).
- 4.
Both the Nikkei volunteer program and the Overseas volunteer program have “youth” and “senior” categories, and thus, there are four categories in total: “Youth/Senior Overseas volunteers [seinen kaigai kyoryoku tai/sinia kaigai borantia]” and “Youth/Senior Nikkei volunteers.”
- 5.
This study was conducted with a cohort of Nikkei volunteer candidates around 2010. Due to the small number of the volunteers, I do not identify the specific year in this study in order to ensure the confidentiality of the cohort members.
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Motobayashi, K. (2023). The Off-Duty Expectations of International Volunteer Language Teachers: A Middling Transnational Perspective. In: Schedel, L.S., Jakubiak, C. (eds) Voluntourism and Language Learning/Teaching. Palgrave Advances in Language and Linguistics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40813-7_5
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